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>From notes(a)igc.org Tue Aug 20 15:07:25 1996
Date: Mon, 19 Aug 1996 20:27:27 -0700 (PDT)
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From: Bob Witanek <bwitanek(a)igc.apc.org>
Subject: CIA Contra Crack and LA Gangs
To: Recipients of pol-abuse <pol-abuse(a)igc.apc.org>
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From: Bob Witanek <bwitanek(a)igc.apc.org>
Posted mnovick(a)laedu.lalc.k12.ca.us Sun Aug 18 22:23:45 1996
This is an astonishing mainstream media documentation of the role of the
U.S. state in the guns for drugs trade and its social devastation results in
the U.S. Although the piece focuses on U.S. involvement on the guns end in
Central America, this was a clear two-birds with one stone
counter-insurgency strategy at this end, too. Given the continuing effect
of crack (and its hypocritical super-criminalization by the government),
genocide is probably too mild a word for this.
'80s effort to assist guerrillas left legacy of drugs, gangs in black L.A.
By Gary Webb
Mercury News Staff Writer
For the better part of a decade, a Bay Area drug ring sold tons of cocaine to
the Crips and Bloods street gangs of Los Angeles and funneled millions in drug
profits to a Latin American guerrilla army run by the U.S. Central Intelligence
Agency, a Mercury News investigation has found.
This drug network opened the first pipeline between Colombia's cocaine cartels
and the black neighborhoods of Los Angeles, a city now known as the ``crack''
capital of the world. The cocaine that flooded in helped spark a crack explosion
in urban America -- and provided the cash and connections needed for L.A.'s
gangs to buy automatic weapons.
It is one of the most bizarre alliances in modern history: the union of a
U.S.-backed army attempting to overthrow a revolutionary socialist government
and the Uzi-toting ``gangstas'' of Compton and South-Central Los Angeles.
The army's financiers -- who met with CIA agents both before and during the time
they were selling the drugs in L.A. -- delivered cut-rate cocaine to the gangs
through a young South-Central crack dealer named Ricky Donnell Ross.
Unaware of his suppliers' military and political connections, ``Freeway Rick"''
-- a dope dealer of mythic proportions in the L.A. drug world -- turned the
cocaine powder into crack and wholesaled it to gangs across the country.
The cash Ross paid for the cocaine, court records show, was then used to buy
weapons and equipment for a guerrilla army named the Fuerza Democratica
Nicaraguense (Nicaraguan Democratic Force) or FDN, the largest of several
anti-communist groups commonly called the Contras.
While the FDN's war is barely a memory today, black America is still dealing
with its poisonous side effects. Urban neighborhoods are grappling with legions
of homeless crack addicts. Thousands of young black men are serving long prison
sentences for selling cocaine -- a drug that was virtually unobtainable in black
neighborhoods before members of the CIA's army brought it into South-Central in
the 1980s at bargain-basement prices.
And the L.A. gangs, which used their enormous cocaine profits to arm themselves
and spread crack across the country, are still thriving, turning entire blocks
of major cities into occasional war zones.
``There is a saying that the ends justify the means,'' former FDN leader and
drug dealer Oscar Danilo Blandon Reyes testified during a recent cocaine
trafficking trial in San Diego. ``And that's what Mr. Bermudez (the CIA agent
who commanded the FDN) told us in Honduras, OK? So we started raising money for
the Contra revolution.''
Recently declassified reports, federal court testimony, undercover tapes, court
records here and abroad and hundreds of hours of interviews over the past 12
months leave no doubt that Blandon was no ordinary drug dealer.
Shortly before Blandon -- who had been the drug ring's Southern California
distributor -- took the stand in San Diego as a witness for the U.S. Department
of Justice, federal prosecutors obtained a court order preventing defense
lawyers from delving into his ties to the CIA.
Blandon, one of the FDN's founders in California, ``will admit that he was a
large-scale dealer in cocaine, and there is no additional benefit to any
defendant to inquire as to the Central Intelligence Agency,'' Assistant U.S.
Attorney L.J. O'Neale argued in his motion shortly before Ross' trial on cocaine
trafficking charges in March.
The most Blandon would say in court about who called the shots when he sold
cocaine for the FDN was that ``we received orders from the -- from other
people.''
The 5,000-man FDN, records show, was created in mid-1981 when the CIA combined
several existing groups of anti-communist exiles into a unified force it hoped
would topple the new socialist government of Nicaragua.
>From 1982 to 1988, the FDN -- run by both American and Nicaraguan CIA
agents --
waged a losing war against Nicaragua's Sandinista government, the
Cuban-supported socialists who'd overthrown U.S.-backed dictator Anastasio
Somoza in 1979.
Blandon, who began working for the FDN's drug operation in late 1981, testified
that the drug ring sold almost a ton of cocaine in the United States that year
-- $54 million worth at prevailing wholesale prices. It was not clear how much
of the money found its way back to the CIA's army, but Blandon testified that
``whatever we were running in L.A., the profit was going for the Contra
revolution.''
At the time of that testimony, Blandon was a full-time informant for the Drug
Enforcement Administration, a job the U.S. Department of Justice got him after
releasing him from prison in 1994.
Though Blandon admitted to crimes that have sent others away for life, the
Justice Department turned him loose on unsupervised probation after only 28
months behind bars and has paid him more than $166,000 since, court records
show.
``He has been extraordinarily helpful,'' federal prosecutor O'Neale told
Blandon's judge in a plea for the trafficker's release in 1994. Though O'Neale
once described Blandon to a grand jury as ``the biggest Nicaraguan cocaine
dealer in the United States,'' the prosecutor would not discuss him with the
Mercury News.
A known dealer since '74
has stayed out of U.S. jails
Blandon's boss in the FDN's cocaine operation, Juan Norwin Meneses Cantarero,
has never spent a day in a U.S. prison, even though the federal government has
been aware of his cocaine dealings since at least 1974, records show.
Meneses -- who ran the drug ring from his homes in the Bay Area -- is listed in
the DEA's computers as a major international drug smuggler and was implicated in
45 separate federal investigations. Yet he and his cocaine-dealing relatives
lived quite openly in the Bay Area for years, buying homes in Pacifica and
Burlingame, along with bars, restaurants, car lots and factories in San
Francisco, Hayward and Oakland.
``I even drove my own cars, registered in my name,'' Meneses said during a
recent interview in Nicaragua.
Meneses' organization was ``the target of unsuccessful investigative attempts
for many years,'' prosecutor O'Neale acknowledged in a 1994 affidavit. But
records and interviews revealed that a number of those probes were stymied not
by the elusive Meneses but by agencies of the U.S. government.
Agents from four organizations -- the DEA, U.S. Customs, the Los Angeles County
Sheriff's Department and the California Bureau of Narcotic Enforcement -- have
complained that investigations were hampered by the CIA or unnamed ``national
security'' interests.
1988 investigation
hit a wall of secrecy
One 1988 investigation by a U.S. Senate subcommittee ran into a wall of official
secrecy at the Justice Department.
In that case, congressional records show, Senate investigators were trying to
determine why the U.S. attorney in San Francisco, Joseph Russoniello, had given
$36,000 back to a Nicaraguan cocaine dealer arrested by the FBI.
The money was returned, court records show, after two Contra leaders sent
letters to the court swearing that the drug dealer had been given the cash to
buy weapons for guerrillas. Russoniello said it was cheaper to give the money
back than to disprove that claim.
``The Justice Department flipped out to prevent us from getting access to
people, records -- finding anything out about it,'' recalled Jack Blum, former
chief counsel to the Senate subcommittee that investigated allegations of Contra
cocaine trafficking. ``It was one of the most frustrating exercises that I can
ever recall.''
It wasn't until 1989, a few months after the Contra-Sandinista war ended and
five years after Meneses moved from the Peninsula to a ranch in Costa Rica, that
the U.S. government took action against him -- sort of.
Federal prosecutors in San Francisco charged Meneses with conspiracy to
distribute one kilo of cocaine in 1984, a year in which he was working publicly
with the FDN.
In S.F. photo, Meneses
seen with CIA operative
Meneses' work was so public, in fact, that he posed for a picture in June 1984
in a kitchen of a San Francisco home with the FDN's political boss, Adolfo
Calero, a longtime CIA operative who became the public face of the Contras in
the United States.
According to the indictment, Meneses was in the midst of his alleged cocaine
conspiracy at the time the picture was taken.
But the indictment was quickly locked away in the vaults of the San Francisco
federal courthouse, where it remains today -- inexplicably secret for more than
seven years. Meneses was never arrested.
Reporters found a copy of the secret indictment in Nicaragua, along with a
federal arrest warrant issued Feb. 8, 1989. Records show the no-bail warrant was
never entered into the national law enforcement database called NCIC, which
police use to track down fugitives. The former federal prosecutor who indicted
him, Eric Swenson, declined to be interviewed.
After Nicaraguan police arrested Meneses on cocaine charges in Managua in 1991,
his judge expressed astonishment that the infamous smuggler went unmolested by
American drug agents during his years in the United States.
``How do you explain the fact that Norwin Meneses, implicated since 1974 in the
trafficking of drugs . . . has not been detained in the United States, a country
in which he has lived, entered and departed many times since 1974?'' Judge
Martha Quezada asked during a pretrial hearing.
``Well, that question needs to be asked to the authorities of the United
States,'' replied Roger Mayorga, then chief of Nicaragua's anti-drug agency.
U.S. officials amazed
Meneses remained free
His seeming invulnerability amazed American authorities as well.
A Customs agent who investigated Meneses in 1980 before transferring elsewhere
said he was reassigned to San Francisco seven years later ``and I was sitting in
some meetings and here's Meneses' name again. And I can remember thinking,
`Holy cow, is this guy still around?' ''
Blandon led an equally charmed life. For at least five years he brokered massive
amounts of cocaine to the black gangs of Los Angeles without being arrested.
But his luck changed overnight.
On Oct. 27, 1986, agents from the FBI, the IRS, local police and the Los Angeles
County sheriff fanned out across Southern California and raided more than a
dozen locations connected to Blandon's cocaine operation. Blandon and his wife,
along with numerous Nicaraguan associates, were arrested on drug and weapons
charges.
The search warrant affidavit reveals that local drug agents knew plenty about
Blandon's involvement with cocaine and the CIA's army nearly 10 years ago.
``Danilo Blandon is in charge of a sophisticated cocaine smuggling and
distribution organization operating in Southern California,'' L.A. County
sheriff's Sgt. Tom Gordon said in the 1986 affidavit. ``The monies gained from
the sales of cocaine are transported to Florida and laundered through Orlando
Murillo, who is a high-ranking officer of a chain of banks in Florida named
Government Securities Corporation. From this bank the monies are filtered to the
Contra rebels to buy arms in the war in Nicaragua.''
Corporate records show that Murillo -- a Nicaraguan banker and relative of
Blandon's wife -- was a vice-president of Government Securities Corporation in
Coral Gables, a large brokerage firm that collapsed in 1987 amid allegations of
fraud. Murillo did not respond to an interview request.
Despite their intimate knowledge of Blandon's operations, the police raids were
a spectacular failure. Every location had been cleaned of anything remotely
incriminating. No one was ever prosecuted.
Ron Spear, a spokesman for Los Angeles County Sheriff Sherman Block, said
Blandon somehow knew that he was under police surveillance. Others thought so,
too.
``The cops always believed that investigation had been compromised by the CIA,''
Los Angeles federal public defender Barbara O'Connor said in a recent
interview. O'Connor knew of the raids because she later defended the raids'
leader, Sgt. Gordon, against federal charges of police corruption. Gordon,
convicted of tax evasion, declined to be interviewed.
Lawyer suggests aid
was at root of problem
FBI records show that soon after the raids, Blandon's defense attorney, Bradley
Brunon, called the sheriff's department to suggest that his client's troubles
stemmed from a most unlikely source: a recent congressional vote authorizing
$100 million in military aid to the CIA's Contra army.
According to a December 1986 FBI Teletype, Brunon told the officers that the
``CIA winked at this sort of thing. . . . (Brunon) indicated that now that U.S.
Congress had voted funds for the Nicaraguan Contra movement, U.S. government now
appears to be turning against organizations like this.''
That FBI report, part of the files of former Iran-Contra Special Prosecutor
Lawrence Walsh, was made public only last year, when it was released by the
National Archives at the Mercury News' request.
Blandon has also implied that his cocaine sales were, for a time, CIA-approved.
He told a San Francisco federal grand jury in 1994 that once the FDN began
receiving American taxpayer dollars, the CIA no longer needed his kind of help.
``When Mr. Reagan get in the power, we start receiving a lot of money,'' Blandon
testified. ``And the people that was in charge, it was the CIA, so they didn't
want to raise any (drug) money because they have, they had the money that they
wanted.''
``From the government?'' asked Assistant U.S. Attorney David Hall.
``Yes, for the Contra revolution,'' Blandon said. ``So we started -- you know,
the ambitious person -- we started doing business by ourselves.''
Asked about that, prosecutor Hall said, ``I don't know what to tell you. The CIA
won't tell me anything.''
None of the government agencies known to have been involved with Meneses and
Blandon over the years would provide the Mercury News with any information about
them.
A Freedom of Information Act request filed with the CIA was denied on national
security grounds. FOIA requests filed with the DEA were denied on privacy
grounds. Requests filed months ago with the FBI, the State Department and the
Immigration and Naturalization Service have produced nothing so far.
None of the DEA officials known to have worked with the two men would talk to a
reporter. Questions submitted to the DEA's public affairs office in Washington
were never answered, despite repeated requests.
Blandon's lawyer, Brunon, said in an interview that his client never told him
directly that he was selling cocaine for the CIA, but the prominent Los Angeles
defense attorney drew his own conclusions from the ``atmosphere of CIA and
clandestine activities'' that surrounded Blandon and his Nicaraguan friends.
``Was he involved with the CIA? Probably. Was he involved with drugs? Most
definitely,'' Brunon said. ``Were those two things involved with each other?
They've never said that, obviously. They've never admitted that. But I don't
know where these guys get these big aircraft . . .''
That very topic arose during the sensational 1992 cocaine trafficking trial of
Meneses after Meneses was arrested in Nicaragua in connection with a staggering
750-kilo shipment of cocaine. His chief accuser was his friend Enrique Miranda,
a relative and former Nicaraguan military intelligence officer who had been
Meneses' emissary to the cocaine cartel of Bogota, Colombia. Miranda pleaded
guilty to drug charges and agreed to cooperate in exchange for a seven-year
sentence.
In a long, handwritten statement he read to Meneses' jury, Miranda revealed the
deepest secrets of the Meneses drug ring, earning his old boss a 30-year prison
sentence in the process.
``He (Norwin) and his brother Luis Enrique had financed the Contra revolution
with the benefits of the cocaine they sold,'' Miranda wrote. ``This operation,
as Norwin told me, was executed with the collaboration of high-ranking
Salvadoran military personnel. They met with officials of the Salvadoran air
force, who flew (planes) to Colombia and then left for the U.S., bound for an
Air Force base in Texas, as he told me.''
Meneses -- who has close personal and business ties to a Salvadoran air force
commander and former CIA agent named Marcos Aguado -- declined to discuss
Miranda's statements during an interview at a prison outside Managua in January.
He is scheduled to be paroled this summer, after nearly five years in custody.
U.S. General Accounting Office records confirm that El Salvador's air force was
supplying the CIA's Nicaraguan guerrillas with aircraft and flight support
services throughout the mid-1980s.
Miranda did not name the Air Force base in Texas where the FDN's cocaine was
purportedly flown. The same day the Mercury News requested official permission
to interview Miranda, he disappeared.
While out on a routine weekend furlough, Miranda failed to return to the
Nicaraguan jail where he'd been living since 1992. Though his jailers, who
described him as a model prisoner, claimed Miranda had escaped, they didn't call
the police until a Mercury News correspondent showed up and discovered he was
gone.
He has not been seen in nearly a year.
Additional reporting for this series in Nicaragua and Costa Rica was done by
Managua journalist Georg Hodel. Research assistance at the Nicaraguan Supreme
Court in Managua was done by journalist Leonore Delgado.
This material is copyrighted and may not be republished without permission of
the originating newspaper or wire service. NewsHound is a service of the San
Jose Mercury News. For more information call 1-888-344-6863.
--
"Of all tyrannies a tyranny sincerely exercised for the good of its victims
may be the most oppressive. It may be better to live under robber barons
than under omnipotent moral busybodies, The robber baron's cruelty may
sometimes sleep, his cupidity may at some point be satiated; but those who
torment us for own good will torment us without end, for they do so with
the approval of their own conscience." - C.S. Lewis, _God in the Dock_
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