January 2002 - cypherpunks-legacy

if Scarfo had cut & pasted from Password Safe??
by Anonymous 14 Jan '02

14 Jan '02

At 5:05 PM -0600 on 1/11/02, Internet Scout Project wrote: > 16. Counterpane Labs: Password Safe > http://www.counterpane.com/passsafe.html > > Tired of trying to memorize numerous computer passwords? Password Safe is a > free Windows 9x/2000 utility that provides users the opportunity to keep > their passwords securely encrypted on their computers and provides a single > Safe Combination that unlocks all passwords. Password Safe "protects > passwords with the Blowfish encryption algorithm, a fast, free alternative > to DES." The program's security has been thoroughly verified by Counterpane > Labs under the supervision of Bruce Schneier, author of _Applied > Cryptography_ and creator of the Blowfish algorithm. Password Safe features > a simple, intuitive interface that lets users set up their password database > in minutes. One can copy a password just by double clicking and pasting it > directly into his/her application. Best of all, Password Safe is completely > free: no license requirements, shareware fees, or other strings attached. > [MG] --

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Tim May,Gutless conservative,fake anarchist and serial pest is hiding or running?
by mattd 14 Jan '02

14 Jan '02

Subject: Re: [Www-newswire] Fwd: [general] Bill White - Fascist and Indymedia Troll (Bill White is an east coast Tim May.) "*** **** wrote: > > Sounds to me like they've mixed up two groups. > > anarchists and libertarians. > > And for better or worse, there are nowadays a LOT of conservative > libertarians who call themselves "anarchist." In my opinion they've > usurped that word. There doesn't seem to be anything anarchistic > about conservative libertarianism. The fastest way to sort that one > out with someone would be to ask them if they're pro or anti police-state. > > Somewhere within how they define their acceptance of some or all of > a police-state they clarify that they're definitely not anarchist. Actually, there are many American libertarians, but very few people who are right or conservative anarchists. Since Seattle, their numbers have gotten even smaller, with many people finding out what anarchism is really about. Anarchists have been debating these few "anarcho-capitalists" for nearly a decade. More information on this debate and the nature of so-called right-wing anarchism can be found online at: http://www.infoshop.org/faq/ http://world.std.com/~mhuben/leftlib.html The search through the caves of corralitos goes on.

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ENRONs END."The magic of Capitalism."
by mattd 14 Jan '02

14 Jan '02

First a word from our sponsors,fine aussie ale and ... http://www.indymedia.org/front.php3?article_id=118652&group=webcast "You're either with us or you're with the pretzels! " Bush announces. by The Snack Food Conspiracy. 10:48am Mon Jan 14 '02 Bush addresses the nation. This morning, Bush made a public announcement on the terrorist pretzel attack. In front of an anxious group of reporters, Bush stated, "You're either with us, or you're with the pretzels." This came after announcing the military operation, "Enduring Crunch," earlier in the day, where pretzel factories around the world will be bombed regardless of whether they produced the actual terrorist pretzels or not. "This will be a long battle and we must stand united against terrorist pretzels." http://www.corpwatch.org/ INTERNET POLITICS Homeland Security, Homeland Profits By: Wayne Madsen Posted: 12/21/2001 Government spy agencies seek new ways to monitor the Internet. Civil libertarians worry about privacy while software companies stand to make billions. Assassinating larry the series. OIL, GAS & COAL Enron: Pulling the Plug on Global Power By: Pratap Chatterjee Posted: 12/13/2001 How could one of the most wealthy and powerful corporations in the world go bust overnight? It turns out that the 7th largest US business was mostly smoke and mirrors.Like the whole system of Govt actually.

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registering Cypherpunks movement ...
by Anonymous 14 Jan '02

14 Jan '02

Not a joke. http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/cgi-bin/displaycode?section=corp&group=34001-3500… "35001. This title is enacted in the exercise of the police power of this State for the protection of the public peace and safety by requiring the registration of subversive organizations which are conceived and exist for the purpose of undermining and eventually destroying the democratic form of government in this State and in the United States."

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The Argentine Tightrope
by mattd 14 Jan '02

14 Jan '02

Background on the Uprising.Acute danger of Leninist opportunism.(longish)pr. From miyachi <miyachi9(a)gctv.ne.jp> Date Sun, 13 Jan 2002 04:38:33 -0500 (EST) ________________________________________________ A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E http://www.ainfos.ca/ ________________________________________________ A MONTH ago, Argentina was a symbol of the disaster of the free market. Years of recession had driven unemployment to nearly 20 percent and pushed one-third of the population into poverty. And all President Fernando de la Ra and his hated economics chief Domingo Cavallo could offer was more austerity--slashed wages, layoffs, spending cuts, privatization. But Argentina today is the symbol of something else--the hope of a better future. In mid-December, ordinary Argentinians said "no" to the misery of a system run by bankers and bosses. By December 20, every city and town in Argentina, including Buenos Aires, was paralyzed by mass demonstrations. Cavallo was the first to go. Then de la Ra. And one week after that, a new wave of demonstrations brought down another government. JAMES PETRAS has worked for the past two years with the unemployed movement in Argentina. Petras is the author of numerous books on Latin America--the most recent, co-authored with Henry Veltmeyer, is Globalization Unmasked: Imperialism in the 21st Century. He talked to ALAN MAASS about the uprising. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - WHERE DID the spark for the December uprising come from? THE DRIVING force for these massive mobilizations has its roots in the large-scale, sustained activities of the unemployment movement. The unemployed workers movement has been gaining strength for the last five years. But in the last year, its spread throughout the country and has played a major role in securing subsistence programs from the government and public works for at least a sector of the unemployed. Its tactics are to paralyze the circulation of commodities and transportation. So the piqueteros, as theyre called, meaning "the picketers," block off major highways in order to make their demands. The ranks of the unemployed movement include a preponderance of women, especially woman heads of households, which has grown with the unemployment. In some areas, unemployment is probably 50 to 60 percent. So many of the piqueteros are factory workers with trade union experience. Many are young people whove never had a job. They organize and block the highways. Traffic piles up, trucks cant move, factories cant get supplies. These are the functional equivalents of factory workers downing their tools. In this case, instead of directly stopping production, they stop the inputs and outputs from production. Then the government can send the police down, in which case theres a whole confrontation. People have been killed, five or six recently in the north of Argentina. But the fear for the government is that if the confrontations continue, the crowds come in from the huge slums, and it could turn into a mini-civil war. So the government usually--after threats and mobilizations of police--negotiates an agreement. These agreements are discussed by the participants themselves. They dont delegate any leaders to go downtown. They make the government come to the highways, and the people there discuss what they should demand and what they should accept. Their experience with delegated leadership is that they go downtown, they sit in a big room with the government or with the trade union bureaucracy, and they usually get bought out. The leaders get some payoffs, even the militant leaders. Or they get drawn into some tripartite agreement, and the rank and file is sold out. So their activity is about direct representation, direct negotiation, direct action. These demonstrations have been enormously successful within the limited areas in which they operate. But recently, as early as September of last year, there were two national meetings trying to coordinate the committees from all the different cities and the regions and suburbs of Buenos Aries, and they created a kind of coordinating committee. But what they taught the population as a whole was that you cant rely on the politicians. You have to take action for yourself and from below. HOW DID the piqueteros struggles set the stage for the December demonstrations? I THINK that spirit began to manifest itself, even in downtown Buenos Aires, shortly before this latest uprising. There were several cases where grievances emerged, and shopkeepers and others decided to close off downtown streets. There was a huge debate within the movement, because the so-called progressive trade union leadership thought it could win over the middle class by blocking main streets but allowing alternative streets to function. This was opposed by the more militant unemployed movements, which said you either close the streets, or you dont. So this spirit captured the imagination of not only employed workers and, of course, the young people, but also the impoverished lower middle class, and even sectors of more affluent petty bourgeois, including shopkeepers, small businessmen and others who had accounts in the banks. When the government finally confiscated the savings--billions of dollars in savings--of the middle class, these layers also became involved in street demonstrations. This is an impoverished, radicalized middle class. Its a mistake to think of it as simply the middle class. These are people whove lost all their savings. They dont have money to pay their grocery bills, or their rents, or go on vacations, or what have you. So under the example of the unemployed workers, you had a coming together of various strands of the population. You had the great mass of unemployed who were involved in some kind of informal economy. You had employed workers who hadnt been paid because the accounts of their employers are frozen. And you have a great mass of public employees and shopkeepers and others forming a very broad front against the bankers. The bankers have been able to get their money out. By using the purchase of Argentine stocks on the New York Stock Exchange, they have no problem getting their money out of the country. So this is very much a class phenomenon, in which the unemployed workers formed one pole, drawing the workers, the petty bourgeois and sectors of the middle class to the politics of extra-parliamentary struggle--to the politics of rejecting the major bourgeois parties. This, I think, is the dynamic. Now whether this middle class will be a strategic ally--whether theyll get a deal which allows them to take their money out of the banks--is an open question. But I think the most important factor in this is that mass action, more than all the ritual strikes of the trade union bureaucracy, led to the ouster of the main leaders of neoliberalism and the main spokesmen for U.S. banks and U.S. imperialism in the government at that time. Each time, theyve been replaced by new faces, all coming within the framework of neoliberalism. Theres no way that the debt can be paid without precipitating a mass uprising--in which case, I think, the bourgeois parliamentary system will go down, and perhaps youll have a civil war, with the military coming into the picture. Nothing in the bourgeois press captures the degree of tension and polarization that exists in Argentina today. On the spot, activists and revolutionaries describe it as a pre-revolutionary situation. And certainly the degree of hostility to all the bourgeois parties and the degree of militancy of great masses of people would describe a pre-revolutionary situation. There isnt at this time an organized revolutionary party with roots and support. There are thousands of local activists and militants who engage in these activities, and there is a broad radicalization of consciousness among hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of Argentinians today--unprecedented in recent times in Latin America. But the little left parties--all the Trotskyist and Marxist parties--spent most of their resources recently in electing officials to an impotent parliament. And nowhere have these parties--or the center-left, of course--exercised any kind of leadership. Theyve been out of sight. They issue manifestos; they sell their newspapers. In none of these growing mass confrontations--that are reaching proportions of hundreds of thousands in different cities--has there been any organized vanguard. There are militants from the unemployed movement, who have some kind of street-fighting experience and preparation. Programmatically, theyre clear as far as their immediate demands--which is massive employment projects, living wages, unemployment benefits, and of course, no payment of the debt. And some sectors are calling for the renationalization of the strategic sectors of the economy. WHAT WILL Duhaldes new government be like? THE CURRENT government of President Duhalde is clearly a provocation. Hes a man of the right, and hes organized, in the past, a political apparatus of thugs. Despite what the press says, he is capable of putting right-wing street fighters out--fascist-like groups that can draw on lumpens and some disoriented unemployed to challenge for hegemony in the streets and take pressure off the police. There already has been one major confrontation with, of course, police taking the side of Duhaldes Peronist thugs. But this is, I think, a dress rehearsal. There is no honeymoon period for Duhalde. Right as were speaking today, there are massive demonstrations in Argentina, and there are preparations for a big show of force when he announces his economic program late this afternoon. More than any recent events, were dealing with a country that has a long tradition of trade union, collective action. General strikes are more common in Argentina than in any country in the world. This is the country that has the biggest concentration of unemployed industrial workers in the world today. And thirdly, this is the country with the largest number of unemployed workers organized and engaged in direct action. What is, I think, necessary or missing in this context is a recognized political leadership that can carry this dynamic process forward to the creation of a workers government. I think the ensuing struggle is going to raise that question very acutely. We should keep in mind that the leadership in Washington will not rest until it buries that movement. And I think what you might see is the maintenance of the civilian political facade and the return of the military as a determining factor in politics. And thats like throwing wood on the fire. As we saw in the earlier dictatorship of 1976, it took 30,000 dead and disappeared to bury that movement. This time, there are many, many more activists and militants than there were at the height of the mobilizations in the 1960s and 1970s. YOU TALKED about the conservatism of labor leaders and the unions "ritual" general strikes. But havent the unions played a role in the resistance? YOU CANT just speak of a general strike in Argentina. There are general strikes, and there are general strikes. And everybody knows that in Argentina. You can talk to a cab driver, who, when you ask, "What do you think of this general strike?" will tell you that the bureaucrats are using it to blow off steam. Theyre one-day affairs with no active mobilizations or factory occupations. The employers know it, and the government knows it--that if they sit on their hands for one day, everything goes back to normal. So they have little consequences. Theres little mobilization and little in the way of activating the class and creating class consciousness. Theyre decided from above, and theyre shut off from above. There are three trade union confederations in Argentina. The official trade union is the CGT, which has allied itself with every government since the dictatorship--and even had arrangements with the dictatorship. Theres the CGT-Moyano--the dissident CGT led by Hugo Moyano, which has been critical of the official CGT for being so closely tied to the government. But in turn, this federation is run by another set of bureaucrats who utilize their opposition to the status quo to pressure the government to make concessions to their followers while maintaining a distance from any structural challenges. The third major union is the progressive CTA, which emerged as a rejection of the CGT and has many of the public-sector workers--workers who havent had any relief with the shutting down and cutting off of services and the firings of hundreds of thousands. The Moyano trade union bureaucracy has been more eager to engage in general strikes and to mobilize around specific issues. They use a great deal of populist rhetoric, but later negotiate on more narrow sectoral issues, constantly negotiating behind the backs of the workers. Thats why theyre distrusted by many sectors of the working class as being essentially an opportunistic opposition that is capable of putting people in the streets, but is also quite capable of bringing them out of the streets. The CTA has been the most active and radical of the trade unions, led by the ATE, the public employees union. They have been involved with the piqueteros and the unemployed. They have raised very important structural issues. However, they have not at any point called into question the capitalist system. Moreover, they have a tendency to engage in militant actions and then step back and negotiate. They have been conscious of their position as state employees--and therefore very much engaged in negotiating with the state and paying lip service to the rest of the working class. They say that we ought to unify the unemployed and the public employees. But the experience of the unemployed workers with the national leadership of the CTA--and, particularly, the ATE--has been that they become auxiliaries. And when the real negotiations take place, its over cutbacks in employment in the public sector. Thats why the unemployed decided to go and organize for themselves. Now, there are powerful sectors of the public employees unions, plus sectors of the teachers union, that have engaged in mass struggle and confrontations--and have suffered some injuries and deaths even in these great mobilizations. I think one has to distinguish between the national leadership--particularly of the CTA and to a lesser degree the Moyano group--and the rank and file. This is especially true in the provinces, where you will find very radical, very militant trade unionists, local leaders even, as well as the rank and file. For example, in Crdoba, in Salta, and in Neuqun, where the petroleum industry is located, you have a great number of trade union activists, some of whom have been influenced by the piqueteros, who have joined in struggles. WHAT DO these links between the unemployed movements and rank-and-file union members look like? I CAN give you an example. Hospital workers in Neuqun were protesting for weeks, trying to get rid of an abusive director. Finally, the director called the police in to stop the strikers from blocking the entrance to the hospital. Word got back to the unemployed. They jumped into their cars and buses--whatever transport was available--and went up there 300 strong. In less than an hour, the director was out, and the hospital workers elected a new director. That was an example of the kind of solidarity between the health workers and the piqueteros that occurs frequently in the interior of the country. I think this is a very promising development. But it has to be seen in context. The pronouncements coming from the general leaderships are not representative of what they do--and certainly dont correspond to the kinds of alliances which are building up at the grassroots level. Thats the significant thing. Im not saying that there arent individual leaders in some particular sector of industry whove displayed militancy. But the militancy today has to be understood in a very concrete sense. Where were the leaders of the ATE and the CTA during the December 20 protests? The militants tell me that they were under the bed. They were notable by their absence in those great days that brought down the de la Ra government. They dont show face, as they say in Argentina. And that is very important, because action tells you a lot more than the speeches and programs. WHERE DO industrial workers fit into this picture of the labor movement? THE BULK of industrial workers are unemployed today. They used to be 40 percent of the labor force. Theyre under 20 percent today. So we have to think of the unemployed not as some kind of poor, urban street vendors. Were talking about Argentina. Were talking about guys that worked in auto plants, who were steelworkers, who were metallurgy and mechanical workers. When I spoke last May at a meeting in Argentina, I met a great many workers who had backgrounds in the trade unions. And whats even more interesting are the wives of former industrial workers. One of the things Ive noted is the militancy and high levels of participation of wives of industrial workers--wives whove taken on even more family responsibilities because their husbandshave become disoriented, in part because of long-term unemployment. The women are the ones to call them out on the picket line--to go down and be active in order to get a job. Because if youre not on the road blockage, youre not there to get a job when the assembly meets. To understand the union movement, think that the U.S. [AFL-CIO President John] Sweeney and the mainstream of the AFL-CIO would be in the CGT. The left-of-center of the AFL-CIO would probably be with Moyano, the dissident. Very few trade unionists would be with the CTA. And of course, the militant section of the CTA would be totally foreign to American trade unionism--or even most of European trade unionism today. We have to put this in perspective. The mass action and mass confrontations beginning on the 20th did more to change the political agenda and the physiognomy of the government than all the general strikes and symbolic protests of the trade unions in the last five or 10 years. The general strikes are important when they have a social content--when the workers occupy the factories and come out and face the government. Thats what I think these movements of the unemployed have. These are desperate people today. These are not employed workers fighting against a particular cutback. Theyve lost all their savings. Theyve been out of work for a long time. Many of them havent seen meat for months. This is a whole desperate mass of people that cuts across class lines--but in which class demands are articulated. WHAT ARE the prospects for the development of an organization or party that can take up the big political questions ahead? THE ORGANIZING principle of the struggle has been hunger. Thats what started the sacking of supermarkets in December, and the organization of these road blockages before that. You had what we might call survival demands for jobs--even low-paying public works jobs at $200 a month--and for food. Out of that struggle and organization, some of the more advanced workers in the movement--with trade union experience and some political experience--began to raise other issues, structural issues like repudiating the debt, large-scale public investments and the renationalization of strategic industries. There are Marxists and socialists who are involved in some of these organizations. But they are there as militants within these movements. They are not, certainly, the dominant force. And they certainly dont have the following in these movements to give leadership and direction--at least at this time. I think what you have is three levels. One is the grass roots, which is suffering horrendous deprivation. Heres a country that is one of the leading meat and grain producers in the world, and the workers are hungry. They dont have beef, they dont have pasta, they cant feed their kids--and they watch the trains taking tens of thousands of tons of meat to Buenos Aires to ship to Europe. So this is a provocation. Heres one of the most fertile areas in the world with large-scale unemployment and with hunger--unprecedented in the history of Argentina. Thats one level. The second level is the emerging leadership, which has a conception of structural changes that we might call anti-capitalist and populist. And then we have a third level, in which the issues of socialism and of a revolution come into play. While the government continues to avoid the measures to ameliorate the problems, increasingly the power within these mobilizations is moving toward the left. A month ago, the issue of foreign debt repudiation was a left-wing issue. Today, its the mainstream. The issue of massive public works was a left-wing issue. Today, its moved over into the mainstream. The renationalization of basic strategic industries had a very small group of supporters. Today, its gaining tens of thousands of adherents. Intervention in the banks was an issue for the minority. Today, its become a major issue. So the whole political debate has moved to the left, as the left begins to gain ideological hegemony. But its the ideas, not an organized left. >From socialist worker online MIYACHI TATSUO miyachi9(a)gctv.ne.jp

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Midnight express;Turkish anarchists in prison update.
by mattd 14 Jan '02

14 Jan '02

- I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E http://www.ainfos.ca/ ________________________________________________ On December 1 2001, two anarchists were taken by the police in Usak (a city in Mid-West Anatolia) with the claim of distributing illegal leaflets in a meeting organized by trade-unions. Later on, 3 other were taken, and all (5) of them were arrested with the claim of "being members of an illegal terrorist organization" namely Usak Anarchist Autonom. Although they did nothing more than distributing their own materials/leaflets, for this terrorist state it was enough to judge them with the claim of organizing in such a way "to destroy or to divide" it. They did not even find any (in their own words) "violent" or "terrorist" clues related with the group. The trail will be held in Izmir DGM (SSC-State Security Court) on 13th of February. At the moment they are in Usak Prison; each of them in seperate cells. This week they'll be sent to Izmir F-type prison. They were beaten badly and tortured by Usak police and refused the lawyers offered by the state. For the first time Turkish anarchists will be judged by Turkish State as an "illegal organization" and this trail will show the attitude of the state against anarchists and anarchist organizations. Anar~ist Kara Ay - Ankara Anarchist Black Crescent - Ankara (abcankara(a)yahoo.com Also 'Ruckus' an anarchist prisoner has been transfered. Cali. http://www.ainfos.ca/A-Infos/ainfos08080.html

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True Names reviewed on /.
by Trei, Peter 14 Jan '02

14 Jan '02

http://slashdot.org/books/01/12/27/1845203.shtml 'michael' has reviewed "True Names and The Opening of the Cyberspace Frontier" over on slashdot. I won't discuss the review or the book in detail other than to say that the book should be considered Required Reading, and the review is also good. michael has this to say about our Resident Author: "Timothy May, who is perhaps best known for his ranting posts about crypto anarchy, has a lengthy and astonishingly well-written essay titled "True Nyms and Crypto Anarchy". The essay reads as if an editor with a firm hand extracted most of May's characteristic wild-eyed prose and yet kept the insightful ideas behind it - if only all of his writing was like this essay. It's a great introduction to what May means by "crypto anarchy". May is one of the most optimistic writers in the book, and he, as well as the other writers, believe that we are at a fork: either we'll move toward a surveillance state, or toward what May calls an anarcho-capitalist state, but the middle ground is unstable - we'll end up at one extreme or the other. May believes we're already firmly on the road toward anarcho-crypto-utopia." Peter Trei ============================================================================ ================ This e-mail, its content and any files transmitted with it are intended solely for the addressee(s) and are PRIVILEGED and CONFIDENTIAL. Access by any other party is unauthorized without the express prior written permission of the sender. If you have received this e-mail in error you may not copy, disclose to any third party or use the contents, attachments or information in any way, Please delete all copies of the e-mail and the attachment(s), if any and notify the sender. Thank You. ============================================================================ ================

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The Other 4 Horsemen.
by mattd 14 Jan '02

14 Jan '02

The Four Horsemen of the Frankfort School (english) by White trash Gun Nut 10:38am Mon Jan 14 '02 billbennetjr(a)hotmail.com Another message from you financial, social, moral and academic superior: The White Trash Gun Nut In his new book "The Death of the West" Patrick J. Buchanan examines the origin of what he contends is the modern decline of America. He asserts that while Soviet style Marxism is largely dead, our society remains enthralled by Cultural Marxism, which is strangling our freedom, and threatening our future. This threat to our culture and way of life accelerated to a deadly speed with the establishment, in 1933 at Columbia University, of the Institute for Social Research, originally called "The Institute for Marxism." This institution became known as the Frankfort School. The destructive nature of the Frankfort School, founded in New York after it's theoreticians fled there from Frankfort, Germany when Hitler came to power, is obvious from even a cursory examination of its primary texts. The four horsemen of the school were music critic Theodor Adorno, psychologist Erich Fromm, sociologist Wilhelm Reich and professor Herbert Marcuse. Their ideas, echoing through the halls of academia and from the ink stained hands of writers and journalists, would lead to, as Buchanan calls it, the establishment of today's politically correct catechism. The original strategy to destroy America, employed by the Frankfort School, came from Italian Communist Antonio Gramsci who realized that in order to achieve a Socialist victory, cultural institutions would have to be infiltrated and subverted. Gramsci realized that America, steeped in traditions of freedom and liberty, would never to succumb to a frontal assault and its workers were too busy accumulating capital to allow themselves to be used as cannon fodder for a bloody revolution. Theodor Adorno The Frankfort School would patent the familiar "Critical Theory" which was accurately defined by a student as the "essentially destructive criticism of all the main elements of Western culture, including Christianity, capitalism, authority, the family, patriarchy, hierarchy, morality, tradition, sexual restraint, loyalty, patriotism, nationalism, heredity, ethnocentrism, convention, and conservatism." Under Critical Theory, anything emanating from the west is to be libeled and attacked over and over again while at the same time, anything emerging from a "progressive" country or group is to be applauded including the murder of over 100 million people. All blame for societal and economic ills are to be shifted to the west. The saturating drumbeat of Critical Theory would lead to "Cultural Pessimism" which is when a person grows to loathe the society, which nurtured him and provided him unprecedented levels of success. This describes the attitude of so many leftists living in comfort and safety yet viewing America, the society that made their lifestyle possible, with hatred and contempt. I am amazed by the degree in which both Critical Theory and Cultural Pessimism has been internalized by all of us. Erich Fromm's "Escape from Freedom" and Wilhelm Reich's "The Mass Psychology of Fascism" and "The Sexual Revolution" are central texts of Critical Theory according to Buchanan, who also calls "The Authoritarian Personality" by Theodor Adorno the "altarpiece of the Frankfurt School." Adorno's thesis is that anyone imbued with middle class, conservative, or Christian values is a racist and a fascist. Charles Sykes, senior fellow at the Wisconsin Policy Research Center, says Adorno's book is "an uncompromising indictment of bourgeois civilization, with the twist that what was considered merely old-fashioned by previous critics was now declared both fascistic and psychologically warped." This libelous indictment of the American people is comparable to Hitler's equally libelous indictment of the Jews of Europe. Wilhelm Reich The Frankfurt School introduced the idea of psychological conditioning as a means of changing the culture to fit their image. This would largely replace the traditional American approach to learning which was rational philosophical argument. Buchanan calls this the root of the "therapeutic state" where "sin is redefined as sickness, crime becomes anti-social behavior, and the psychiatrist replaces the priest." To Adorno and his comrades, all Americans who refused to conform to the new morality were viewed as mentally ill and in need of treatment. The Soviet Union offers a clear example of this philosophy in action with it's millions sent to gulags for "mental" maladies such as "anti-social" attitudes. Herbert Marcuse The forth horseman, Brandeis professor Herbert Marcuse, was the pied piper of the sixties as he fostered the development of, as Buchanan points out, "radical youth, feminists, black militants, homosexuals, the alienated, the asocial, Third World revolutionaries, all the angry voices of the persecuted 'victims' of the West." In "Eros and Civilization" Marcuse encouraged sex and drugs and introduced "polymorphous perversity" where all moral and cultural order is rejected. Marcuse coined the slogan "Make love not war" and was a cult figure on College campuses. His book "i" advocates educational dictatorship. He calls for "Repressive Tolerance" which means "intolerance against movements from the right, and toleration of movements from the left." When the left speaks of tolerance, this is what they mean. The Frankfurt School would mainstream the dicktat of the Moscow Central Committee laid down in 1943. This declaration, right from the horse's mouth, illustrates exactly what were up against: "Members and front organizations must continually embarrass, discredit and degrade our critics. When obstructionists become too irritating, label them as fascist, or Nazi or anti-Semitic...The association will, after enough repetition, become 'fact' in the public mind.

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Philips Says Compact Discs Can't be Copyprotected
by Steve Schear 14 Jan '02

14 Jan '02

Tomcat666 writes "tecChannel has a story about Philips, the holder of the most CD digital audio (CD-DA) patents. Apparently, they don't like the audio CD copy protection many record companies want to enforce in the future. They break the CD-DA standard and therefore are not allowed to use the logo. As a conclusion, Philips' next audio CD copier will be able to detect and probably circumvent the copy protection of audio CDs." This article is Auf Deutsch but the fish does a tolerable job of making it sane for those who can't remember the proper gender of all their nouns. http://slashdot.org/articles/02/01/11/1816258.shtml

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RE: registering Cypherpunks movement ...
by Trei, Peter 14 Jan '02

14 Jan '02

> Anonymous wrote: > > Not a joke. > > http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/cgi-bin/displaycode?section=corp&group=34001-350 > 00&file=35000-35007 > > "35001. This title is enacted in the exercise of the police power of > this State for the protection of the public peace and safety by > requiring the registration of subversive organizations which are > conceived and exist for the purpose of undermining and eventually > destroying the democratic form of government in this State and in the > United States." > Two points: Point one: This is ancient history - it's part of the "Subversive Organization Registration Law" which was passed by California in 1941, largely to counter the German-American Bund (an American Nazi front organization in the pre-Pearl Harbor days). See: http://www.vho.org/GB/Journals/JHR/7/3/Hummel285-317.html for a history of US Government repression during WW2. This is not to say that it's not still on the books - I'm just pointing out that it's not another post-9/11 piece of snake-oil 'security'. And, yes, I'm aware that WW2 era behaviour is already being cited as justification by Bush & Co. Point two: The cypherpunks mailing list is not an organization. There is no membership list, there are no officers. There are no dues, no organizational hierarchy. There is no agreed set of aims, purposes, or activities. There is no property, and no post office address. The above is relevant when you consider the next section of the code, the reporting requirements: http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/cacodes/corp/35100-35105.html Note that these all have to be sent in, 'subscribed under oath' by all the officers. Who, exactly, would that be? I'll leave the constitutionality of the law to others, but think its highly suspect. Peter Trei ============================================================================ ================ This e-mail, its content and any files transmitted with it are intended solely for the addressee(s) and are PRIVILEGED and CONFIDENTIAL. Access by any other party is unauthorized without the express prior written permission of the sender. If you have received this e-mail in error you may not copy, disclose to any third party or use the contents, attachments or information in any way, Please delete all copies of the e-mail and the attachment(s), if any and notify the sender. Thank You. ============================================================================ ================

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