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Fwd: [IP] Re: Sotomayer challenges decisions that gave corporations "person"status
by R.A. Hettinga 13 Dec '09

13 Dec '09

Begin forwarded message: > From: David Farber <dave(a)farber.net> > Date: December 13, 2009 3:45:38 AM GMT-04:00 > To: "ip" <ip(a)v2.listbox.com> > Subject: [IP] Re: Sotomayer challenges decisions that gave > corporations "person"status > > > > Begin forwarded message: > > From: Seth Johnson <seth.johnson(a)RealMeasures.dyndns.org> > Date: December 12, 2009 11:06:27 PM EST > To: dave(a)farber.net > Cc: ip <ip(a)v2.listbox.com> > Subject: Re: [IP] Sotomayer challenges decisions that gave > corporations "person"status > Reply-To: seth.johnson(a)RealMeasures.dyndns.org > > > Hi David -- for IP, if you wish. Somewhat lengthy, but I feel your > readers will find it very intriguing. What follows are some comments > I have been meaning to put together in response to this very exciting > note from Jim Warren in early October, pointing to Justice Sotomayor's > questioning corporate personhood in Citizens United v. FEC. > > I'm not a lawyer, but this is an area that's very interesting to me. > The best thing is that now that this question has been broached by a > Supreme Court Justice, almost regardless of the outcome of the case, > this whole area of questioning is now "legal tender," something that > we can discuss and examine without feeling like we're working the > fringes -- and I would submit that this has been very needful for a > very long time. In fact, this single development stands out as > changing my entire view of the prospects for this country under this > administration. > > I think folks will find the following observations highly intriguing: > > 1) The justices seem motivated by the question of corporate rights > > First off, before sitting to write this note, I looked at the > transcript last night > (http://www.supremecourtus.gov/oral_arguments/argument_transcripts/08-205%5BR eargued%5D.pdf > ). > What strikes me is that the line of questioning from the Justices > seems to be specifically about the limits of the idea of giving > corporations rights like natural persons. They are looking at various > ways to draw lines, not necessarily wanting to go deep in the > precedents, but still questioning the simple stance that the matter > should be decided in terms of First Amendment "rights" of > corporations. > > Ginsburg asks the first question very specifically on this point, > noting that a corporation "is not endowed by its creator with > inalienable rights." This is an interesting phrasing that admits that > corporate "rights" would not be fundamental or natural, but it still > seems to allow for them being given rights by government acts (such as > the 14th amendment). The whole discussion is thus already about the > question of corporate rights, and this seems to me to indicate that > the Court's bringing the case up for re-argument was motivated > particularly by this question, or certainly questions closely > related. Sotomayor's comment therefore stands out more for its taking > the question back to very old court decisions, and for its indicating > how the notion of corporate rights derived from judicial action rather > than legislation or original notions of rights: "the courts [. . .] > created corporations as persons, gave birth to corporations as > persons, and there could be an argument made that that was the Court's > error to start with [. . .] that the Court imbued a creature of State > law with human characteristics." > > 2) Now, here are a couple of intriguing things to look at regarding > Clarence Thomas > > There was an odd article in the New York Times back in April about > Clarence Thomas speaking up before a group of students (Reticent > Justice Opens Up to a Group of Students: > http://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/14/us/14bar.html?_r=1) > > I point at it because he makes a very strange comment about the legal > term of art, "dormant commerce clause" -- in fact the article's > authors state that they don't see the term's relationship to the > question he's addressing: > > The questions from students were read to Justice Thomas, > and the first one seemed to throw him off. Since the > Civil War, what has changed the way Americans view the > Constitution the most and why? an unidentified student > asked. > > Justice Thomas gave a rambling response, touching on the > Fourteenth Amendment, the rights of freed slaves, the > application of parts of the Bill of Rights to the states > and Justice John Marshall Harlans dissent in Plessy v. > Ferguson, the 1896 Supreme Court decision that endorsed > the doctrine of separate but equal. > > Im sure there are other things that have happened, he > said, wrapping up his answer. So I would have to say > just off the top of my head the Fourteenth Amendment. And > I bet you someones going to hear that and say, well, no, > its the dormant commerce clause or something. > > That was a curious aside. Few Americans could name the > dormant commerce clause, and it has no obvious connection > to how popular views of the Constitution changed after the > Civil War. > > > I found this entire article strange in many ways, but one thing that's > intriguing about this passage is that in fact the term "dormant > commerce clause" is *very* relevant to the question of corporate > rights. Before a certain point, this term meant nearly the exact > opposite of what it has come to mean more recently: it meant that if > the Federal legislature has not acted on a matter, then the Commerce > Clause remains dormant, not in effect, and State rules apply. You see > this sense of dormancy in Willson v. Black Bird in 1829. However, in > the 1851 Cooley v. Wardens case, "dormancy" or silence on the part of > Congress became an occasion for the Supreme Court to begin to fill in > the blanks. Then with the 1876 Welton v. Missouri case, "dormancy" > came to mean that the Supreme Court would assume that interstate > commerce must be unimpeded unless Congress said otherwise. > > This final assumption has underlaid many rulings since then (and > commerce clause rulings run all over the place, but over time this > assumption has tended to lead in a general direction). The result has > been that when any state law confronted a corporation in court that > felt their local regulation was impeding their ability to engage in > interstate commerce, not only did the court's ruling affect the > subject of the law (state taxes, local environmental rules, etc.), but > it also translated into notions of powers that corporations had -- > their "rights" as they appeared to exist within the context that was > given by the assumption of "free and untrammeled" commerce between > states, the assumption that has been carried in the "dormant commerce > clause" conception. > > If Justice Thomas thinks the "dormant commerce clause" has changed the > way Americans view the Constitution since the Civil War, then it seems > to me quite likely that this is what he has in mind. > > Another thing to keep in mind about Clarence Thomas has been described > very well by Jan Crawford Greenburg in the following video clip: > > Jan Crawford Greenburg on Justice Thomas's effect on the Supreme > Court: > http://www.youtube.com/v/s4vUpV6eDNk > > > Ms. Greenburg describes how Thomas is willing to override precedents > if he doesn't think they make sense, and is known to have flipped the > conservatives on the Court as he has done so -- they might originally > find a case one way based on more recent precedent, but then when they > read Thomas's brief, they flip the other way. > > Now, I haven't made a reading of Thomas's reasoning and philosophy -- > I'm just going by these indications. But I hardly think he could mean > anything else when he says the dormant commerce clause has changed > views of the Constitution. > > -- > > What seems possible to me given these factors is that the Supreme > Court may be confronting the corporate personhood/corporate "rights" > question in very fundamental terms. It seems quite plausible that we > will see a convergence or a mutual buttressing of the left and right > sides of the court, with the result being a lopsided affirmation of > the lower court's ruling disallowing the airing of the Hillary Clinton > documentary shortly before the election -- with a ruling that may > revise precedents profoundly. Or we may see a ruling that remands > while revising jurisprudence regarding corporate "rights" in > surprising and fundamental ways. > > Even if they make a more narrow ruling, I still see profound prospects > for this Court to address the question of corporate power in > surprising and fundamentally transformative ways, so we have great > reason to hope that we could find this court supporting recourse > against the corporate form. > > Anyway, these are the things that make me look upon this court with a > good degree excitement, even hope. If this question is about to be > taken up in the ways that seem possible, then we stand a chance of > regaining a government of, by and for the people. > > > Seth Johnson > > > -- > > [CC] Counter-copyright: http://realmeasures.dyndns.org/cc > > I reserve no rights restricting copying, modification or distribution > of this incidentally recorded communication. Original authorship > should be attributed reasonably, but only so far as such an > expectation might hold for usual practice in ordinary social discourse > to which one holds no claim of exclusive rights. > > > > > > ------------------------------------------- > Archives: https://www.listbox.com/member/archive/247/=now > RSS Feed: https://www.listbox.com/member/archive/rss/247/ > Powered by Listbox: http://www.listbox.com

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