1984: Thread
grarpamp
grarpamp at gmail.com
Sat May 13 09:53:31 PDT 2023
>From China to USA to Ukraine, CBDC, and COVID WEF WHO,
the design, psyop mind programming propaganda towards, and
deployment of global total control variants is growing fast...
Ukraine’s Future Lies in the Great Reset
https://unlimitedhangout.com/2023/05/investigative-reports/ukraines-future-lies-in-the-great-reset/
Elite plans for digital ID, Central Bank Digital Currencies (CBDCs) and a
“Green” post-war economy proliferate in Ukraine as conflict rages,
manifesting in Ukraine’s Diia app, the e-hryvnia, a corporate takeover
of Ukraine’s war efforts and prospective reconstruction, and other
efforts that signal a Fourth Industrial Revolution roll-out. Outlining
these efforts and who’s behind them, Stavroula Pabst argues that
Ukraine’s cannon-fodder status before and during NATO’s proxy war
makes it an ideal testing ground for the Great Reset.
[110][IMG][111]byStavroula Pabst
May 9, 2023
24 minute read
“Ukraine 2030 — the freest and most digital country in the world.
Without bureaucracy, but with strong tech industry. Cashless &
paperless. This is the future we are building.”
– Mykhailo Fedorov
These were the words of Ukraine’s Minister of Digital Transformation
Mykhailo Fedorov, who posted a glossy video showcasing Ukraine's
sci-fi-esque future [112]to Twitter. The video boasts of Ukraine’s
[113]plans (after its victory over Russia, of course!) to become the
“freest and most convenient country in the next 10 years.”
In this theoretical scenario, Ukraine is “the first country to abandon
paper money,” tele-health and tele-education programs abound, courts’
decisions are guided by artificial intelligence, and cities can even
defend themselves with an “ultra-modern iron dome.”
Ukraine 2030 — the freest and most digital country in the world.
Without bureaucracy, but with strong tech industry. Cashless &
paperless. This is the future we are building.
[114]pic.twitter.com/XWs4E1pPGJ
-- Mykhailo Fedorov (@FedorovMykhailo) [115]July 14, 2022
Mykhailo Federov - [116]Twitter
But the juxtaposition between the video’s boasts and Ukraine’s dire
reality on the ground grows more uncanny by the day.November 2022 reports
quietly admitted that roughly [117]100,000 Ukrainian soldiers had been
killed or wounded in action, and [118]apparently leaked documents from
April 2023 exposed Ukraine’s especially weak wartime positioning, where
Ukrainian casualties outnumber those of the Russians four to one.
Meanwhile, complaints of low ammunition — with Ukraine [119]running
through ammo faster than the US and NATO can replace it — run amok, and
in Bakhmut’s “meat-grinder,” the estimated lifespan of Ukrainian
soldiers in battle was reported as being a grim [120]four hours in late
February. Meanwhile, millions of Ukrainians have fled home as sky-high
inflation rates and energy prices have slashed living standards in Europe
and internationally.
But as the war drudges on, Ukrainian officials have zeroed in on the
conflict’s alleged “silver linings,” bragging about the new
technological developments and investment possibilities that have surfaced
during the conflict, such as Ukraine’s “state in a smartphone” Diia
app, the e-hryvnia, mounting technological capabilities spurred by
corporate war-time involvement in Ukraine, a further crystallization of
the public-private partnership as a civil society instrument, and
Ukraine’s budding “green” revolution, which is slated to blossom
during its prospective elite-backed reconstruction.
While these and other initiatives taking place as part of Ukraine’s
war-time and reconstruction efforts are being done in the name of
modernization, convenience, and democracy, these efforts instead
contribute to a technological and political terrain that is conducive to
depriving the civilians of Ukraine, and all nations, of their sovereignty,
privacy, and dignity.
As I illustrate in this investigative piece, such efforts are part of the
larger drive towards the related phenomena of the [121]Fourth Industrial
Revolution, today’s technological revolution that blurs the physical,
digital, and biological spheres, and the World Economic Forum’s
[122]Great Reset, an elite-driven initiative to establish Klaus Schwab’s
vision of [123]stakeholder capitalism, where corporations are
[124]positioned as “trustees of society” to address the world’s
economic and social woes.
At present, the two phenomena facilitate a new societal era where opaque
and corporatized governance structures undermine longstanding governmental
bodies and decision-making processes through the widespread implementation
of top-down, transformative policy initiatives; public-private
partnerships that consolidate power while diffusing avenues for public
accountability; and crises that have expanded the elite’s hold over
society.
If executed successfully, the end result of such efforts may well be a
technocratic nightmare, where the Fourth Industrial Revolution’s digital
advancements have been capitalized upon by the power elite to ensure and
exert their dominance through global governance structures that have
extracted themselves from the public’s reach.
Effectively stripped of its sovereignty after the 2014 US-backed
Euromaidan, burdened by gargantuan debts, and pummeled around by a western
“rules-based order” that actually craves war within its borders,
Ukraine’s desperation and cannon-fodder status before and during
NATO’s ongoing proxy war make it the ideal Great Reset testing ground,
where various Fourth Industrial Revolution roll-outs are ongoing — and
are soon to be foisted upon the rest of us.
The DIIA App: the “State in a Smartphone”
To jumpstart its technological revolution, Ukraine’s established a
Ministry of Digital Transformation. Preceded by the [125]State Agency for
E-governance in Ukraine, the Ministry of Digital Transformation’s chief
[126]mission, as of 2019, is to establish a “state in a smartphone”
apparatus — the [127]Diia (Дія) app — and transfer all public
services online. The Ministry’s other key goals include increasing
Ukrainians’ digital literacy, internet access, and IT’s share of
Ukraine’s GDP by 2024.
A perfect marriage of the latest in tech with the state, the Ministry’s
flagship [128]Diia app is perhaps the Fourth Industrial Revolution’s
most obvious manifestation in Ukraine. Unveiled in [129]late 2019 as the
Ministry for Digital Transformation’s “[130]state in a smartphone”
project, the Diia app is now a “[131]one-stop-shop” for [132]120
digital government services such as business registrations, applying for
government benefits, paying taxes, and obtaining documents like digital
ID, digital driver’s licenses, and digital [133]biometric passports
which, [134]as of 2021, are all recognized in the same legal capacity as
their paper equivalents. “Diia” means “action” in English.
Within two days of Diia’s 2020 official launch, [135]360,000 Ukrainians
had downloaded digital driver’s licenses using the app, which the
Atlantic Council posited as reflecting the “huge appetite for
digitalization within Ukrainian society, especially among younger
Ukrainians.” About 18.5 million people, approximately half of
Ukraine’s pre-war population, now [136]use the app as of early 2023.
Diia may be state of the art, but its hyper-centralized,
“one-stop-shop” model concocts a bevy of ethical concerns. Such
widespread use of Digital ID and other digital legal documents through
Diia, for example, should raise alarm bells. For instance, a [137]2018 WEF
report on Digital ID even admits the tool’s propensity for exclusion,
positing that “[f]or individuals, [verifiable IDs] open up (or close
off) the digital world, with its jobs, political activities, education,
financial services, healthcare and more.” Despite this consequential
acknowledgement, the report’s writers and other advocates ultimately
insist that Digital ID is a key tool for “financial and social
inclusion” in an increasingly digital world (of course, on the
precondition that a Digital ID would be given to everyone.)
Critically, Diia’s normalization of the Digital ID and the online
availability of other government and social services has only sped up the
process of mass digital identification, and thus the multitude of privacy-
and freedom-related issues this is likely to pose to the populace, both in
Ukraine and internationally. Despite ongoing concerns that digital ID
could facilitate a “papers, please”-style checkpoint society (a la
2021-2022’s vaccine passport phenomenon, which was largely conducted
through QR-code based passports and smartphone applications) or otherwise
used or weaponized to [138]discriminate against marginalized populations.
Juniper Research [139]estimates that governments will have issued about 5
billion digital ID credentials by 2024, and a 2019 Goode Intelligence
report suggested digital identity and verification will be a [140]$15
billion market by 2024.
Diia’s Digital ID feature thus means Diia is [141]used to verify users
of other apps, such as banking apps for institutions like monobank and the
[142]Bank of Ukraine, private mail-carrier [143]Nova Poshta, and even
[144]eVorog, a chatbot where Ukrainian citizens, whose identities first
are verified through Diia, can send the Ukrainian government tips about
Russian military efforts in real time. Diia has also [145]provided
wartime subsidies of 6,500 hryvnia (worth about $176 USD in April 2023) to
citizens most affected by the conflict, and also accepts [146]military
donations, suggesting Ukraine has decided that Diia might as well directly
assist its war-time efforts.
The Diia app - [147]Source
Of course, crisis is a major catalyst for Diia’s roaring success. In an
Atlantic Council [148]blog post, Fedorov noted that the Coronavirus
pandemic accelerated Diia’s use in Ukraine, where the
restriction-burdened populace could often only access the digital versions
of public services they had previously used in person.
In fact, the Diia app helped enforce COVID restrictions, producing
COVID-certificates that are [149]valid across the European Union.
According to the [150]Tony Blair Institute for Global Change,
“[a]doption [of the Diia app] was partly driven by its use as a Covid
certificate platform and the introduction of ePidtrimka (“eSupport”)
— a one-off payment of 1,000 UAH [about $27 USD in April 2023] for fully
vaccinated Ukrainians linked to a digital bank card.” In Ukraine,
restrictive COVID vaccination passports, which functionally banned
unvaccinated people from public life, were also [151]instated via Diia
despite [152]low injection uptake amongst Ukrainians, implying Diia’s
technology and widespread use further amplified social coercion to take
the shot. At the time of writing, Ukrainians have downloaded or accessed
over [153]10 million COVID certificates.
An app at the fingertips of tens of millions, Diia has also been
capitalized upon as a media hub, allowing users to [154]watch prominent
programming including Eurovision, CNN, and the FIFA World Cup Final. While
this aspect of Diia was subsequently [155]shelved, Ukraine’s Ministry of
Digital Transformation also had plans with Apple to conduct the [156]2023
census over Diia.
Such developments posit Diia’s use not only as a government service, but
as a hyper-centralized hub for much of daily life. As such a critical
service, however, it’s hard to overstate the government-facilitated
app’s potential for surveillance or even [157]the manipulation of
app-based public services for political gain. After Diia’s release was
announced, at least, the issue did not go unnoticed in larger Ukrainian
society: according to [158]Rest Of World, the Ukrainian media initially
ridiculed the app as “big brother in a smartphone.”
Data breaches on Diia, furthermore, could and already have jeopardized
people’s sensitive information. As the NYT reported, hackers in January
2022 were able to [159]cripple “much of the government’s public-facing
digital infrastructure”, including Diia and a number of government
ministries and websites.
Unsurprisingly, US hands are [160]behind Diia’s development. After
providing years of [161]legal, financial and technical assistance to Diia,
[162]USAID Administrator and former US UN Ambassador Samantha Power voiced
intentions at Davos 2023 to expand the app’s use to other parts of the
world, especially in the [163]global south. A [164]January 2023 USAID
press statement, further, [165]highlighted the organization’s $650,000
allotment towards “jumpstart[ing] the adoption of Diia-like systems and
the digital technology services that underpin them” elsewhere. As USAID
is widely suspected to be a [166]CIA front, the organization’s funding
of and interest in spreading Diia internationally posits another dimension
of surveillance potential through the app — data gathering for the
intelligence community.
Diia is a groundbreaking app that allows Ukrainians to access over 100
government services. Ukraine is also using the tech to connect people to
critical support during the war. Now, [167]@USAID is excited to work
with [168]@FedorovMykhailo to help other countries build platforms like
Diia. [169]pic.twitter.com/Y40ujXfzcY
-- Samantha Power (@PowerUSAID) [170]January 19, 2023
Samantha Power and Mykhailo Fedorov [171]discuss intentions to spread Diia
worldwide at Davos 2023.
And despite pressing security- and ethics-related issues, Diia’s already
inspired the creation of government smartphone apps elsewhere, such as
Estonia’s [172]mRIIK. In an interview with [173]US-backed Radio Svoboda,
Mykhailo Fedorov [174]explained that numerous other countries were in
negotiations about the possibility of introducing equivalent
applications.
In other words, Diia and its counterparts, bolstered by COVID and the war
alike, are poised to take the world by storm.
The e-hryvnia
While the Diia app blossoms, the Fourth Industrial Revolution is also
advancing through major changes being made to the financial system,
especially with regards to the imminent roll-out of Central Bank Digital
Currencies (CBDCs). A country's fiat currency in digital form, advocates
of state-facilitated CBDCs frequently gloss over the e-currency’s
potential for surveillance and control with promises of convenience,
transparency, and modernity.
With respect to CBDCs, Ukraine’s version is advancing quickly, despite
the war. Ukrainian officials hope to launch Ukraine’s CBDC, the
[175]e-hryvnia, [176]in 2024. A creation of the National Bank of Ukraine
(NBU), Ukraine’s central bank, the [177]e-hryvnia aims to “effectively
perform all functions of money and supplement cash and noncash forms of
hryvnia.” According to the [178]National Bank of Ukraine, the
e-hryvnia’s implementation will further digitize the economy, boost both
transparency and confidence in the currency, and promote non-cash payment
methods in Ukraine. To encourage its use, Mykhailo Fedorov [179]proposed
to accept his salary in the new CBDC.
The e-hryvnia is likely to operate on the Stellar blockchain network,
which Ukrainian commercial bank Tascombank partnered with for an e-hryvnia
[180]pilot project. An open-source decentralized blockchain network
“[181]designed with central bank digital currencies (CBDCs) in mind,”
Stellar is a public network facilitated by the non-profit Stellar
Development Foundation (SDF). According to SDF CEO and World Economic
Forum [182]Agenda Contributor Denelle Dixon, SDF’s mission is to strive
towards [183]“global financial inclusion[184]” a buzzword elite groups
like the [185]World Economic Forum and the [186]International Monetary
Fund have used to garner support for and participation in the CBDC
paradigm. As it strives to become a “[187]global payment standard,”
Stellar is poised to do much more than facilitate the roll-out of the
e-hryvnia. The German bank Bankhaus von der Heydt’s [188]selected
Stellar to help develop a prospective European Stablecoin, and Stellar is
also partnering with Mercado Bitcoin to develop a [189]Brazilian CBDC.
SDF's CEO Denelle Dixon - [190]Source
[191]A cornerstone of the Fourth Industrial Revolution for its exceptional
capacity to securely store data, the distributed digital ledger technology
system known as blockchain would also be institutionalized in Ukraine if
the e-hryvnia is launched in collaboration with Stellar. Tascombank’s
[192]2023 CBDC e-hryvnia pilot report [193]emphasized the alleged benefits
of issuing the digital currency via blockchain, such as “greater
transparency and accountability,” “improved security and
confidentiality of client data,” and the functionality and low costs
involved using the system. Generally, proponents of CBDCs boast its
convenience, potential as an [194]anti-corruption tool, and as an
inclusive way to [195]bank the “unbanked,” i.e. those who do not use
or cannot access traditional financial services.
Yet, critics note that CBDC is not a unique solution to the financial
system’s current problems. As Martin C.W. Walker posits in the London
School of Economics (LSE) Business Review , “it is not even obvious why
CBDC is the best alternative.” Meanwhile, surveillance- and
control-related concerns proliferate because government promotion of CBDCs
suggests that authorities could easily obtain direct access to transaction
histories. In the event that CBDCs become [196]programmable, governments
could theoretically program or otherwise direct how or when given users
could use— or be blocked from using — their money, creating the
potential for abuse. Researchers at Duke University concur in their
[197]FinReg blog, writing bluntly that “sovereign states might misuse
CBDCs to serve their agendas for anti-money laundering, crime
investigation and prevention, or social control reasons.” And European
Central Bank President Christine Lagarde inadvertently disclosed CBDC's
capacity for social control [198]in a prank phone call, admitting “there
will be control” after an individual posing as Zelensky stated that
“the problem [with CBDCs] is [people] don’t want to be controlled.”
Worsening the matter is the fact that CBDCs will likely be tied to Digital
IDs. According to the [199]Financial Times in 2021, the state of CBDC
research and experimentation suggested that a creation of a digital
currency outside some kind of universal digital identity or tracking
system was “nigh on impossible,” and that “CBDCs will likely be tied
to personal accounts that include personal data, credit history and other
forms of relevant information.” In Ukraine’s case, an earlier
e-hryvnia pilot used anonymous e-wallets while noting that the e-hryvnia
[200]can be either implemented anonymously or with user identification;
for instance, the more recent [201]Tascombank pilot followed standard Know
Your Client (KYC) and Anti-Money Laundering (AML) procedures to identify
users.
McKinsey [202]posits that Digital ID can streamline such KYC and AML
procedures, and Kyiv already has a functional Digital ID through Diia that
can be used in a legal capacity. Thus, it seems plausible or likely that a
prospective e-hryvnia would be connected to a Digital ID in the future,
thus binding Ukrainians to whatever terms the Ukrainian government decides
to utilize when launching and programming the CBDC.
While its e-hryvnia has yet to launch, Ukraine appears poised to develop
and launch the currency on schedule as part of the larger digital
transformation it considers vital to its success and future. If
successfully rolled out, the e-hryvnia appears ready to saddle Ukrainians
with the same prospects for mass surveillance, monitoring, and control –
problems that the larger CBDC phenomenon poses elsewhere in the dizzying
global drive towards the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Corporations, Public-Private Partnerships Fuel Ukraine’s War Machine and
Reconstruction Efforts
Ukraine’s war-time destruction means that major reconstruction efforts
will be necessary post-conflict. The elite propose to address such needs
through private investments, solutions, and partnerships that are set to
fashion a new Ukraine in accordance with the needs of the Fourth
Industrial Revolution and Great Reset, while undermining whatever
democratic processes still exist within previous power structures.
While institutions like the [203]US State Department emphasize that
public-private cooperation is key to Ukraine’s future, corporations like
BlackRock, Google, Microsoft, and Palantir are also gaining control over
Ukraine’s wartime and reconstruction processes through various forms of
assistance, Memorandums of Understandings, and adjacent efforts to
maintain Ukraine’s infrastructure and war-effort alike. While such
arrangements give these groups significant leverage over Ukraine and its
future, they have no electoral mandate and need not answer to the public.
Aware of the country’s abject desperation, [204]massive debts, and
ratcheting reconstruction needs alike, Ukrainian Officials appear eager to
sell off Ukraine’s future to the highest bidders."Ukraine is the story
of a future victory and a chance for you to invest now in projects worth
hundreds of billions of dollars to share the victory with us,” Zelensky
[205]said at the virtual opening of a September 2022 New York Stock
Exchange trading session. Zelensky, Fedorov, and a number of other
Ukrainian public officials have appeared frequently at high-level events
internationally to beg for such investments, assistance, and partnership,
such as at [206]Davos 2023, the 2022 [207]Web Summit, and last year’s
Viva Technology Conference, where Zelensky even appeared as a
[208]hologram to ask for assistance from the entrepreneurs and investors
in attendance.
Volodymyr Zelensky appears as a hologram at the 2022 Viva Technology
Conference. His speech focused on how "Ukraine was offering technology
firms a unique chance to rebuild the country as a fully digital
democracy." - [209]Source
But Ukraine’s search for elite and corporate assistance is the end of
the little sovereignty it has left. After all, a common denominator in
these wartime and reconstruction efforts is the emphasis on public-private
collaboration, especially through anti-democratic public-private
partnerships, where public accountability mechanisms are diffused or
disarmed through an obfuscation of long-standing power structures as
private entities, which are largely unanswerable to the public, usurp
responsibilities, resources, and roles that once belonged to governments.
As of late 2022, Ukraine was even [210]reforming its legal framework in
order to better facilitate and encourage such relationships.
Indeed, Ukraine’s war effort is infested with public-private
partnerships and corporate relationships that the besieged country
ultimately has little agency over. In response to the war, investors and
benefactors of questionable stripes are lining up through Ukrainian
fundraising and assistance programs like the [211]USAID-backed
[212]Advantage Ukraine and [213]United24.
Furthermore, corporate giants including multi-national investment company
BlackRock and mega-bank [214]JP Morgan are all but buying Ukraine’s
future. Zelensky and BlackRock CEO Larry Fink [215]agreed in December 2022
to focus “on coordinating the efforts of all potential investors and
participants in the reconstruction [of Ukraine], channeling investment
into the most relevant and impactful sectors of the Ukrainian economy.”
A [216]Memorandum of Understanding between BlackRock Financial Markets
Advisory (BlackRock FMA) and Ukraine’s Ministry of Economy
[217]formalized these agreements with “a goal of creating opportunities
for both public and private investors to participate in the future
reconstruction and recovery of the Ukrainian economy.”
Emphasizing the scale of BlackRock’s prospective involvement, Fink
reportedly [218]told Zelensky that "if you hire us…we're not going to be
creating new oligarchs, but we're creating a new Ukraine." But as the
creators of a “new Ukraine,” BlackRock already manages tens of
trillions of dollars in assets, thus “tower[ing] over the finance,
insurance and real estate sectors” internationally, and is heavily
involved in a number of [219]major corporations and [220]media
organizations, perhaps making BlackRock CEO Larry Fink, as Joyce Nelson
writes in [221]CounterPunch, the world’s most powerful person.
BlackRock’s interest in “creating a new Ukraine,” therefore, is
likely par for the company’s predatory course.
Volodymyr Zelensky meets with Larry Fink via video conference in late
December 2022 - [222]Source
Meanwhile, other mega-corporate assistance appears poised to capture much
of Ukraine’s critical government infrastructure, at least temporarily.
In addition to providing Ukraine [223]hundreds of millions of USD in
assistance in 2022 and 2023, Microsoft is [224]storing the entire
Ukrainian government on its servers, with Microsoft president Brad Smith
[225]explaining to GeekWire that $107 million USD went towards
“literally mov[ing] the government and much of the country of Ukraine
from on-premises servers to the cloud.” Online tech and sales giant
Amazon has also transferred much of Ukraine’s national data, including
the population registry, land ownership records, and tax related
information, onto its “[226]snowball” hard-drives.
Meanwhile, investment management giants and major agribusiness
corporations including Vanguard, Kopernik, Kernel, and MHP are rapidly
buying up Ukrainian farmland and now hold over [227]28 percent of
Ukraine’s arable land, according to the Oakland Institute. Such
oligarchs and agribusinesses, the Oakland Institute notes, are
“substantially indebted” to western institutions like the World Bank
and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), which
means such groups have both significant stakes in and leverage over what
happens to Ukraine’s farmland. The report also suggests that Ukraine’s
massive debts likely mean Ukraine’s creditors, bondholders, and major
international financial institutions have influence over Ukraine’s
prospective reconstruction efforts.
[228]Noting that policy efforts surrounding Ukraine’s reconstruction,
like the [229]Ukraine Recovery Conference, center privatizing
“non-critical enterprises,” the report concludes that “[e]verything
is thus in place for further concentration of land in the hands of
oligarchs, foreign interests, and large agribusinesses” in Ukraine.
In other words, Ukraine’s war-time sell-out has functionally become a
rat race amongst the elite.
As its future is divided and sold off to unaccountable oligarchs, much of
Ukraine’s war effort, save for the actual dying, has been usurped by the
private sector. [230]Google, for example, has assisted Ukraine on multiple
fronts, creating an [231]air raid alerts app to protect Ukraine’s
citizens against Russian bombardment, while also expanding access to its
free anti-distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) software, [232]Project
Shield, to protect Ukraine’s internet networks against cyber-attacks.
Google is one of several tech companies [233]defending Ukraine from
cyberattacks.
In addition to providing 50,000 Google workspace licenses for the
Ukrainian government, Google also boasts about its censorship of Ukraine
war materials, with a [234]blog post highlighting efforts to disrupt
“coordinated influence operations from Russian threat actors.” Google
has removed over 80,000 YouTube videos and channels about the war in
Ukraine, and blocked over 750 channels and 4 million videos “associated
with Russian state-funded news channels.”
Many other big-tech companies such as TikTok, Facebook, Twitter,
Instagram, Apple, and Microsoft have followed suit, either
[235]restricting access or to blocking “Kremlin-affiliated news
outlets,” while Google and Apple have pulled Russian news apps from
their app stores. While Meta created a [236]special operations center
specifically focused on curbing “disinformation” especially from
Russian state affiliated outlets, Meta’s Facebook platform temporarily
[237]permitted calls for violence against Russians and Vladimir Putin on
its website, though the policy has since been [238]rescinded.
Although Elon Musk’s Starlink has provided internet to many Ukrainians
affected by conflict, its coverage has been partially [239]rescinded to
prevent Starlink’s use “for offensive purposes.” But other
corporations, like data firm and effective CIA-front Palantir, defense
contractor [240]Anduril, and facial recognition service [241]Clearview AI
— companies funded, or in Palantir’s case, [242]co-founded, by
[243]early Facebook investor and “[244]predictive policing” style
surveillance enthusiast Peter Thiel — are bringing the Fourth
Industrial Revolution to war. While Palantir [245]helps Ukraine with its
military targeting of war assets including tanks and artillery, [246]new
weapons and technologies, like defense contractor Anduril’s autonomous
[247]Altius 600M drones, are being rolled-out on the battlefield. Further,
Ukraine’s Defense Ministry is [248]using [249]Clearview AI’s facial
recognition technology to “uncover Russian assailants, combat
misinformation and identify the dead.” Widely considered an invasive
service, [250]Clearview AI has been prevented from selling its services to
most corporations and organizations in the US (save for the [251]US
police). However, the ethical concerns it has raised elsewhere are of
little concern on Ukrainian battlefields. In other words, the fog of war
has allowed companies to test and advance controversial, deadly and
invasive technologies with little scrutiny.
[252][IMG]Palantir co-founder Peter Thiel - Source
Meanwhile, Ukraine’s public-private partnership craze also dominates its
tech-development efforts, including Diia and its CBDC roll-outs. In 2019,
Fedorov explained that Diia’s development would [253]rely "on an
effective team and international technical assistance, public-private
partnerships, volunteering.” And assuming current arrangements proceed,
the e-hryvnia will also be established through a public-private
partnership, where the Stellar Development Foundation’s Stellar
Blockchain will facilitate the CBDC.
European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) researchers [254]acknowledged
the uncomfortable terrain that the Ukrainian government and private-sector
war participants share, writing that “[t]ech corporations have become
owners and rulers of the critical assets that a sovereign state requires
to function.” Rather than question whether such a development, where
Ukraine and other nation states have effectively lost their sovereignty to
a myriad of elite power structures and corporations, is a positive one,
the ECFR analysts wrote that governmental bodies “need to work more
closely with the private sector: that is, to (successfully) fight hybrid
wars, states need to become hybrid themselves” to “confront a
deteriorating world order.” In other words, they recommend a world where
the public and private sectors fuse their efforts even more closely, just
like whose who push for the Great Reset’s stakeholder capitalism model.
US meddling in [255]Ukraine’s Euromaidan and the West’s non-stop push
for war already mean that Ukraine today has little sovereignty. But
private stakeholders appear eager to consume what remains of Ukraine’s
sovereignty through their creeping domination over Ukraine’s
war-efforts, digital and technological advances, and prospective
reconstruction to create a new Ukraine that satisfies the elite’s
technocratic vision.
In short, the Great Reset is advancing rapidly in Ukraine, a country that
becomes more pliable to its demands and initiatives with each new day of
conflict.
Sustainability Efforts and a “Green” Post-War Ukraine
As the efforts to modernize wartime Ukraine have proliferated, so have the
efforts to ensure Ukraine’s post-war reconstruction is “green,”
especially according to elite protocols already established within policy
frameworks such as the European Green Deal and the United Nations
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
Much like COVID-19 jumpstarted green efforts, elite figures like
BlackRock’s Larry Fink speculate the same will occur during the current
war: Fink even [256]posited that in the long term, “recent events will
actually accelerate the shift toward greener sources of energy in many
parts of the world,” even noting that “[d]uring the pandemic, we saw
how a crisis can act as a catalyst for innovation.”
Fink’s comments on, and apparently intense interest in, the matter
suggest that, like much of today’s environmental movement (as documented
by journalists like [257]Cory Morningstar), the “green” initiatives
vying for Ukraine’s future have been co-opted by the billionaire class
and are ultimately crafted to benefit the needs of the wealthiest. Even
the Washington Post acknowledged in a [258]late 2022 piece that the
hyper-elite had usurped the reins of climate-related policymaking work,
noting governments increasingly rely on oligarchs like Bill Gates, Jeff
Bezos, and Mike Bloomberg, to get the job done.
Indeed, ongoing “green” and “green finance” initiatives proposed
for wartime and post-war Ukraine occur within the context of the Green
movement’s co-optation by the elite and its proven capacity for
predatory economic and political tactics, whereby top-down environmental
dictates are used as cover to transform or undermine political and
financial systems internationally. While I cannot elaborate on this
context in full here, Unlimited Hangout has reported on critical examples,
including the UN Sustainable Development Goal’s [259]use of debt as a
compliance instrument, especially against developing nations, and the
Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net Zero’s (GFANZ) [260]moves “to
recreate the entire global financial system for [its] benefit under the
guise of promoting sustainability” by using decarbonization and other
climate-related dictates as a bludgeon to force developing countries to
create economic environments conducive to elite goals, undermining
national sovereignty in the process.
UN-Backed Banker Alliance Announces “Green” Plan to Transform the
Global Financial System
The most powerful private financial interests in the world, under the
cover of COP26, have developed a plan to transform the global financial
system by fusing with institutions like the World Bank and using them to
further erode national sovereignty in the developing world.
Considering the ambitious nature of Green Ukraine wartime initiatives, one
is forced to speculate whether climate dictates are once again being used
as “bludgeons” to facilitate the political class’s desired financial
system transformations in Ukraine, whose [261]chronic indebtedness to
groups like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) already make it
vulnerable to foreign interference. After all, the [262]environmental
policy brief from the 2022 elite-facilitated [263]Ukrainian Recovery
Conference emphasizes the need for Ukraine’s “green transition to [a]
new green economy.” And a flurry of initiatives like the Ukraine World
Wildlife Fund (WWF)’s [264]Green Restoration of Ukraine, the Nordic
Green Bank’s EU-funded “[265]green recovery efforts,” and a
heavily-publicized [266]Marshall Plan for Ukraine, which [267]dozens of
high level politicians insist must be “[268]green,” all suggest that
transformative green reconstruction and green economic plans for Ukraine
are of the utmost importance to the political class.
In any case, Ukraine is certainly looking to conduct its own green
transition: much like Ukraine has bent over backwards to both encourage
and accommodate the elite-backed public-private-partnership- and tech-
domination of its society, it also appears eager to hit every “green
target” possible to maintain relevance. Even as war rages on, Ukraine is
building wind turbines en masse, and Ukrainian energy group DTEK is
“aggressively promoting” a [269]plan for Ukraine to “build 30
gigawatts of clean power by 2030.” Further, Ukraine’s “green”
dreams made a [270]big splash at COP27, where several exhibits at the
Ukrainian Pavilion detailed the country’s plans to become a “green”
leader. There, a [271]printed message from Ukrainian President Volodymyr
Zelensky read: "Ukraine can, and I am certain will, become a green energy
hub for Europe."
Meanwhile, the EU appears quite happy to loop Ukraine in with its own
ambitious green targets, already agreeing to help rebuild Ukraine in the
EU’s [272]New European Bauhaus architectural style, a “[273]major
catalyst” for the European Green Deal, a policy framework that, in the
EU Commission's [274]own words, “proposes [the] transformation of [the]
EU economy and society to meet climate ambitions.” In a new initiative,
[275]Associating Ukrainian cities to the Climate-neutral and smart cities
Mission, several Ukrainian cities will be selected by and collaborate with
the European Union to commit to climate neutrality in their rebuilding
efforts according to the European Green Deal’s city-related climate
objectives.
And not unlike BlackRock’s [276]Memorandum of Understanding with the
Ukrainian Government elucidating future major investment agreements for
Ukraine’s reconstruction, many elite-backed green efforts in Ukraine
center around finance, investment and banking prospects, and are often put
forth by those with predatory financial histories. One suspect example is
the [277]Ukraine Green Growth Initiative investment fund, launched by
Australian mining magnates Andrew and Nicola Forrest, who have poured in
[278]500 million USD (approx 740 million AUD) into the project. As
language from a [279]press release suggests, the investment fund will
facilitate major “green” changes for much of Ukraine’s economy and
primary infrastructure, focusing on infrastructure basics like “energy
and communications to build a digital green grid, so Ukraine can become a
model for the world as a leading digital green economy.” Complementing
the release’s language regarding Ukraine’s prospective “green”
economic transformation, the release also highlights Zelensky’s belief
that the new fund will “facilitate the world’s first green digital
economy and the fastest growing economy in Europe.”
Notably, a press release from [280]Cision PR Newswire reveals major
politicians and powerful business executives are driving the Ukraine Green
Growth Initiative:
“A period of consultation for the investment fund [Ukraine Green
Growth Initiative] has been ongoing since early March [of 2022] and has
included Dr Forrest briefing US President Joe Biden, former UK Prime
Minister Boris Johnson, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, OECD
Secretary-General Mathias Cormann, and the international business
community including UN Special Envoy Michael Bloomberg, Chairman and CEO
of BlackRock Larry Fink and their teams.”
An advocate of “[281]green-hydrogen,” Andrew Forrest also has a
history of assisting green elite initiatives. For instance, he invested in
Bill Gates’ [282]Breakthrough Energy Ventures (BEV) in 2021 alongside
Jeff Bezos and Michael Bloomberg. But such elites have track records as
people looking to maximize investment returns, not as altruists or
environmentalists. That these are the people facilitating a “green
economy” in Ukraine should spur speculation as to whether they are using
mass investments, under the guise of a green transition, to transform
Ukraine’s economy for their benefit.
Volodymyr Zelensky (L) shakes hands with Australian mining magnate Andrew
Forrest (R) in November 2022 - [283]Source
Despite Ukraine’s dire circumstances, the western elite appear almost as
hellbent on making Ukraine’s future “green” as they are on
continuing the war, launching continuous and ambitious initiatives towards
ensuring sustainability and a post-war green economy in the war-torn
country. While these green reconstruction plans are bringing major changes
to Ukraine’s economic system and society, they are being rammed through
by a conglomerate of NGOs, elite groups, and wealthy investors with little
input from the Ukrainian public.
Within the context of Ukraine’s hyper-use as a testing ground for
digital transformation, war technology, and ever-more powerful
public-private partnerships, this multitude of overarching “green”
initiatives drawn up for Ukraine’s future, which bear potential for the
erosion of society’s existing policymaking processes, are part and
parcel of the Great Reset.
War: The Great Reset’s Accelerator
Ultimately, the conglomeration of elite-backed services, partnerships, and
initiatives I describe in this investigation claim to provide critical
innovation or assistance to Ukraine during a time of crisis; however, they
are instead collectively facilitating prospects for surveillance and
control over everyday life while eroding possibilities for governmental
and individual independence. Such technological developments I also
discuss, in tandem with political arrangements centering a wartime merger
of the public and private sectors, are prime for the political class, who
want to use such developments to forge governance infrastructures
conducive to their dictations.
Such chaotic ongoings in Ukraine are a microcosm of the larger
geopolitical moment, where the world’s elite are moving to advance
anti-democratic public-private partnerships’ prevalence and status in
civil society. While advocates frame such public-private initiatives and
cooperations as holistic and innovative, they undermine (what’s left of)
today’s system of Westphalian national sovereignty by doling out
critical infrastructure to unaccountable institutions, NGOs, and
corporations that prioritize the interests of the power elite. As a
result, previous democratic processes in sovereign nations are eroded in
favor of global governance, which Unlimited Hangout contributor Iain Davis
[284]describes as a system where a global public private partnership
“creates policy initiatives at the global level, which then cascade down
to people in every nation.”
Ultimately, these efforts are steamrolling ahead with little room for
accountability or public debate: even if Ukrainians want to continue
fighting an increasingly gruesome conflict, they have no real say over the
myriad of wartime initiatives, largely sprung by international elite
groups, that are being rammed through as the conflict deepens. Indeed,
although many elite organizations “assisting” Ukraine insist that
they’re fighting for democracy, Zelensky has [285]consolidated Ukraine's
TV outlets and dissolved rival political parties in efforts towards a
“[286]unified information policy,” uprooting possible challenges to
power. In other words, the current moment leaves Ukrainian society
vulnerable and perfectly pliable to be molded to suit elite agendas,
including those of the Great Reset.
Importantly, the Fourth Industrial Revolution’s roll-out in Ukraine
forces speculation as to whether ongoing hostilities are about
geopolitical struggles as we traditionally have understood them,
facilitating initiatives crucial to the Great Reset, or a combination of
the two. While genuine animosities between the world’s nation-states
exist, track records ultimately show that countries are in general
agreement, or have otherwise been bound into agreement, on the
implementation of many of the measures I’ve highlighted in this piece.
This remains true despite the measures’ potential to supersede the
world’s current power structures in critical ways, threatening to create
a world dominated by top-down public-private initiatives that limit
national and individual sovereignty and dignity alike. The elites center
“equity” and even “justness” in their initiatives, but their
“just” world is one where those governed have equally little say over
the state of world events and little room for escape.
The exact state of today’s geopolitical fault lines remains up to
debate, but one thing is certain: Ukraine will not be the only country
impacted by the policies and initiatives I’ve described. Rather, what is
rolled out in Ukraine is likely coming for everyone. With respect to
CBDCs, for example, Ukraine’ is certainly not alone in its efforts:
according to the [287]Atlantic Council’s CBDC tracker, 114 countries —
which represent over 95 percent of the world’s GDP — are currently
exploring CBDC prospects, whereas only 35 countries were doing so in 2020.
Adding to the chaos, recent bank meltdowns, including the dubious
shuttering of [288]Silicon Valley Bank, suggest that long-term financial
system instabilities may well provide a perfect moment (or, perhaps more
accurately, an excuse) for widespread CBDC roll-outs.
For now, war continues with no end in sight, leaving Ukrainian civilians
as cannon fodder while worsening living standards elsewhere, creating a
general state of desperation amongst the world’s population as prices
for basic goods continue to spike and peace remains a non-starter. The
moment provides a perfect opportunity for those behind the Great Reset to
experiment with their desired initiatives, technologies, and governmental
structures and spread them around the globe.
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