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>From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

A two-colored flag, split diagonally, with yellow at the top and black
at the bottom
The black and gold flag, a symbol of anarchism (black) and capitalism
(gold) which according to Murray Rothbard was first flown in 1963 in
Colorado[1] and is also used by the Swedish AnarkoKapitalistisk

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Anarcho-capitalism (or, colloquially, ancap)[3][4] is an
anti-statist[5] libertarian[6] political philosophy and economic
theory that seeks to abolish centralized states in favor of stateless
societies with systems of private property enforced by private
agencies, the non-aggression principle, free markets and the
right-libertarian interpretation of self-ownership, which extends the
concept to include control of private property as part of the self. In
the absence of statute, anarcho-capitalists hold that society tends to
contractually self-regulate and civilize through participation in the
free market which they describe as a voluntary society.[7][8][9] In a
theoretical anarcho-capitalist society, the system of private property
would still exist and be enforced by private defense agencies and/or
insurance companies selected by customers which would operate
competitively in a market and fulfill the roles of courts and the

According to its proponents, various historical theorists have
espoused philosophies similar to anarcho-capitalism,[12] but the first
person to use the term anarcho-capitalism was Murray Rothbard, in the
1940s.[13] Rothbard synthesized elements from the Austrian School,
classical liberalism and 19th-century American individualist
anarchists and mutualists Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker while
rejecting their labor theory of value and the anti-capitalist and
socialist norms they derived from it.[14][15][16] Rothbard's
anarcho-capitalist society would operate under a mutually agreed-upon
"legal code which would be generally accepted, and which the courts
would pledge themselves to follow".[17] This legal code would
recognize contracts, private property, self-ownership and tort law in
keeping with the non-aggression principle.[17][18]

Anarcho-capitalists and right-libertarians cite several historical
precedents of what they believe to be examples of
anarcho-capitalism,[24] including Anglo‐​Saxon England,[5][7] the Free
cities of medieval Europe, Medieval Iceland, the American Old West,
Gaelic Ireland, Somalia from 1991 to 2006, and law merchant, admiralty
law, and early common law.

Anarcho-capitalism is distinguished from both minarchism, which
advocates a night-watchman state limited to protecting individuals
from aggression and enforcing private property;[25] anarchism, an
anti-capitalist movement which holds that capitalism is incompatible
with social and economic equality; and social anarchism, a branch of
anarchism that sees individual freedom as interrelated with mutual
aid. Anarcho-capitalists reject the libertarian socialist economic
theories of anarchism, arguing that they are inherently authoritarian
or require authoritarianism to achieve, while believing that there is
no coercion under capitalism. Despite its name, anarcho-capitalism
lies outside the tradition of anarchism and is more closely affiliated
with capitalism, right-libertarianism, and
liberalism.[26][27][28][29][30] Traditional anarchist schools of
thought oppose and reject capitalism, and consider
'anarcho-capitalism' to be a contradiction in terms.[31][32][33]
Anarcho-capitalism is usually seen as part of the New Right.[29][34]

    1 Philosophy
        1.1 On the state
        1.2 Non-aggression principle
        1.3 Property
            1.3.1 Private property
            1.3.2 Common property
            1.3.3 Intellectual property
        1.4 Contractual society
        1.5 Law and order and the use of violence
        1.6 Free-market in children
    2 Influences
        2.1 Anarchism
        2.2 Classical liberalism
        2.3 Individualist anarchism
    3 Historical precedents
        3.1 Free cities of medieval Europe
        3.2 Medieval Iceland
        3.3 American Old West
        3.4 Gaelic Ireland
        3.5 Law merchant, admiralty law, and early common law
        3.6 Somalia from 1991 to 2006
    4 Criticism
        4.1 State, justice and defense
        4.2 Rights and freedom
        4.3 Economics and property
    5 Literature
    6 See also
    7 References
    8 Further reading
    9 External links

Murray Rothbard wearing glasses, a suit and a bow-tie and sat on an
armchair, looking rightwards
Murray Rothbard (1926–1995), who coined the word anarcho-capitalism
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Author J Michael Oliver says that during the 1960s, a philosophical
movement arose in the United States that championed "reason, ethical
egoism, and free-market capitalism". According to Oliver,
anarcho-capitalism is a political theory which logically follows the
philosophical conclusions of Objectivism, a philosophical system
developed by Russian-American writer Ayn Rand.[35] Professor Lisa
Duggan also says that Rand's anti-statist, pro–"free market" stances
went on to shape the politics of anarcho-capitalism.[36]

According to Patrik Schumacher, the political ideology and programme
of Anarcho-capitalism envisages the radicalization of the neoliberal
"rollback of the state", and calls for the extension of
"entrepreneurial freedom" and "competitive market rationality" to the
point where the scope for private enterprise is all-encompassing and
"leaves no space for state action whatsoever".[37]
On the state

Anarcho-capitalists opposition to the state is reflected in their goal
of keeping but privatizing all functions of the state.[37][38][39]
They see capitalism and the "free market" as the basis for a free and
prosperous society. Murray Rothbard, who is credited with coining the
term anarcho-capitalism,[40][41] stated that the difference between
free-market capitalism and state capitalism is the difference between
"peaceful, voluntary exchange" and a "collusive partnership" between
business and government that "uses coercion to subvert the free

Rothbard argued that all government services, including defense, are
inefficient because they lack a market-based pricing mechanism
regulated by "the voluntary decisions of consumers purchasing services
that fulfill their highest-priority needs" and by investors seeking
the most profitable enterprises to invest in.[43]: 1051  Furthermore,
Linda and Morris Tannehill believe that no coercive monopoly of force
can arise on a truly free market and that a government's citizenry can
not desert them in favor of a competent protection and defense

Rothbard used the term anarcho-capitalism to distinguish his
philosophy from anarchism that opposes private property[45] as well as
to distinguish it from individualist anarchism.[46] Other terms
sometimes used by proponents of the philosophy include:

    Individualist anarchism[47][48]
    Natural order[12]
    Ordered anarchy[12]
    Private-law society[12]
    Private-property anarchy[12]
    Radical capitalism[12]

Maverick Edwards of the Liberty University describes
anarcho-capitalism as a political, social, and economic theory that
places markets as the central "governing body" and where government no
longer "grants" rights to its citizenry.[49]
Non-aggression principle
Main article: Non-aggression principle

Writer Stanisław Wójtowicz says that although anarcho-capitalists are
against centralized states, they hold that all people would naturally
share and agree to a specific moral theory based on the non-aggression
principle.[50] While the Friedmanian formulation of anarcho-capitalism
is robust to the presence of violence and in fact, assumes some degree
of violence will occur,[51] anarcho-capitalism as formulated by
Rothbard and others holds strongly to the central libertarian
nonaggression axiom,[50] sometimes non-aggression principle. Rothbard

    The basic axiom of libertarian political theory holds that every
man is a self-owner, having absolute jurisdiction over his own body.
In effect, this means that no one else may justly invade, or aggress
against, another's person. It follows then that each person justly
owns whatever previously unowned resources he appropriates or "mixes
his labor with". From these twin axioms – self-ownership and
"homesteading" – stem the justification for the entire system of
property rights titles in a free-market society. This system
establishes the right of every man to his own person, the right of
donation, of bequest (and, concomitantly, the right to receive the
bequest or inheritance), and the right of contractual exchange of
property titles.[18]

Rothbard's defense of the self-ownership principle stems from what he
believed to be his falsification of all other alternatives, namely
that either a group of people can own another group of people, or that
no single person has full ownership over one's self. Rothbard
dismisses these two cases on the basis that they cannot result in a
universal ethic, i.e. a just natural law that can govern all people,
independent of place and time. The only alternative that remains to
Rothbard is self-ownership which he believes is both axiomatic and

In general, the non-aggression axiom is described by Rothbard as a
prohibition against the initiation of force, or the threat of force,
against persons (in which he includes direct violence, assault and
murder) or property (in which he includes fraud, burglary, theft and
taxation).[19]: 24–25  The initiation of force is usually referred to
as aggression or coercion. The difference between anarcho-capitalists
and other libertarians is largely one of the degree to which they take
this axiom. Minarchist libertarians such as libertarian political
parties would retain the state in some smaller and less invasive form,
retaining at the very least public police, courts, and military.
However, others might give further allowance for other government
programs. In contrast, Rothbard rejects any level of "state
intervention", defining the state as a coercive monopoly and as the
only entity in human society, excluding acknowledged criminals, that
derives its income entirely from coercion, in the form of taxation,
which Rothbard describes as "compulsory seizure of the property of the
State's inhabitants, or subjects."[52]

Some anarcho-capitalists such as Rothbard accept the non-aggression
axiom on an intrinsic moral or natural law basis. It is in terms of
the non-aggression principle that Rothbard defined his interpretation
of anarchism, "a system which provides no legal sanction for such
aggression ['against person and property']"; and wrote that "what
anarchism proposes to do, then, is to abolish the State, i.e. to
abolish the regularized institution of aggressive coercion".[53] In an
interview published in the American libertarian journal The New
Banner, Rothbard stated that "capitalism is the fullest expression of
anarchism, and anarchism is the fullest expression of capitalism".[54]
Private property

Anarcho-capitalists postulate the privatization of everything,
including cities with all their infrastructures, public spaces,
streets and urban management systems.[37][55]

Central to Rothbardian anarcho-capitalism are the concepts of
self-ownership and original appropriation that combines personal and
private property. Hans-Hermann Hoppe wrote:

    Everyone is the proper owner of his own physical body as well as
of all places and nature-given goods that he occupies and puts to use
by means of his body, provided only that no one else has already
occupied or used the same places and goods before him. This ownership
of "originally appropriated" places and goods by a person implies his
right to use and transform these places and goods in any way he sees
fit, provided only that he does not change thereby uninvitedly the
physical integrity of places and goods originally appropriated by
another person. In particular, once a place or good has been first
appropriated by, in John Locke's phrase, 'mixing one's labor' with it,
ownership in such places and goods can be acquired only by means of a
voluntary – contractual – transfer of its property title from a
previous to a later owner.[56]

Rothbard however rejected the Lockean proviso, and followed the rule
of "first come, first served", without any consideration of how much
resources are left for other individuals, which opposed John Locke's

Anarcho-capitalists advocate private ownership of the means of
production and the allocation of the product of labor created by
workers within the context of wage labour and the free market – that
is through decisions made by property and capital owners, regardless
of what an individual needs or does not need.[59] Original
appropriation allows an individual to claim any never-before-used
resources, including land and by improving or otherwise using it, own
it with the same "absolute right" as their own body, and retaining
those rights forever, regardless of whether the resource is still
being used by them. According to Rothbard, property can only come
about through labor, therefore original appropriation of land is not
legitimate by merely claiming it or building a fence around it—it is
only by using land and by mixing one's labor with it that original
appropriation is legitimized: "Any attempt to claim a new resource
that someone does not use would have to be considered invasive of the
property right of whoever the first user will turn out to be".
Rothbard argued that the resource need not continue to be used in
order for it to be the person's property as "for once his labor is
mixed with the natural resource, it remains his owned land. His labor
has been irretrievably mixed with the land, and the land is therefore
his or his assigns' in perpetuity".[60]: 170

Rothbard also spoke about a theory of justice in property rights:

    It is not enough to call simply for the defense of "the rights of
private property"; there must be an adequate theory of justice in
property rights, else any property that some State once decreed to be
"private" must now be defended by libertarians, no matter how unjust
the procedure or how mischievous its consequences.[46]

In Justice and Property Right, Rothbard wrote that "any identifiable
owner (the original victim of theft or his heir) must be accorded his
property".[61][62] In the case of slavery, Rothbard claimed that in
many cases "the old plantations and the heirs and descendants of the
former slaves can be identified, and the reparations can become highly
specific indeed". Rothbard believed slaves rightfully own any land
they were forced to work on under the homestead principle. If property
is held by the state, Rothbard advocated its confiscation and "return
to the private sector",[63] writing that "any property in the hands of
the State is in the hands of thieves, and should be liberated as
quickly as possible".[64] Rothbard proposed that state universities be
seized by the students and faculty under the homestead principle.
Rothbard also supported the expropriation of nominally "private
property" if it is the result of state-initiated force such as
businesses that receive grants and subsidies.[65] Rothbard further
proposed that businesses who receive at least 50% of their funding
from the state be confiscated by the workers,[66][67] writing: "What
we libertarians object to, then, is not government per se but crime,
what we object to is unjust or criminal property titles; what we are
for is not 'private' property per se but just, innocent, non-criminal
private property".[64]

Similarly, Karl Hess wrote that "libertarianism wants to advance
principles of property but that it in no way wishes to defend, willy
nilly, all property which now is called private ... Much of that
property is stolen. Much is of dubious title. All of it is deeply
intertwined with an immoral, coercive state system".[68]

By accepting an axiomatic definition of private property and property
rights, anarcho-capitalists deny the legitimacy of a state on
principle.[original research?] Hans-Hermann Hoppe argues:

    For, apart from ruling out as unjustified all activities such as
murder, homicide, rape, trespass, robbery, burglary, theft, and fraud,
the ethics of private property is also incompatible with the existence
of a state defined as an agency that possesses a compulsory
territorial monopoly of ultimate decision-making (jurisdiction) and/or
the right to tax.[56]

Anarchists view capitalism as an inherently authoritarian and
hierarchical system and seek the abolishment of private property.[69]
There is disagreement between anarchists and anarcho-capitalists[70]
as the former generally rejects anarcho-capitalism as a form of
anarchism and considers anarcho-capitalism a contradiction in
terms,[71][72][73] while the latter holds that the abolishment of
private property would require expropriation which is
"counterproductive to order" and would require a state.[74]
Common property

As opposed to anarchists,[75] most anarcho-capitalists reject the
commons.[76] However, some of them propose that non-state public or
community property can also exist in an anarcho-capitalist
society.[76] For anarcho-capitalists, what is important is that it is
"acquired" and transferred without help or hindrance from what they
call the "compulsory state". Deontological anarcho-capitalists believe
that the only just and most economically beneficial way to acquire
property is through voluntary trade, gift, or labor-based original
appropriation, rather than through aggression or fraud.[77]

Anarcho-capitalists state that there could be cases where common
property may develop in a Lockean natural rights framework.
Anarcho-capitalists make the example of a number of private businesses
which may arise in an area, each owning the land and buildings that
they use, but they argue that the paths between them become cleared
and trodden incrementally through customer and commercial movement.
These thoroughfares may become valuable to the community, but
according to them ownership cannot be attributed to any single person
and original appropriation does not apply because many contributed the
labor necessary to create them. In order to prevent it from falling to
the "tragedy of the commons", anarcho-capitalists suggest
transitioning from common to private property, wherein an individual
would make a homesteading claim based on disuse, acquire title by the
assent of the community consensus, form a corporation with other
involved parties, or other means.[76]

Randall G. Holcombe see challenges stemming from the idea of common
property under anarcho-capitalism, such as whether an individual might
claim fishing rights in the area of a major shipping lane and thereby
forbid passage through it.[76] In contrast, Hoppe's work on
anarcho-capitalist theory is based on the assumption that all property
is privately held, "including all streets, rivers, airports, and
harbors" which forms the foundation of his views on immigration.[76]
Intellectual property
Main article: Intellectual property

Some anarcho-capitalists strongly oppose intellectual property (i.e.,
trademarks, patents, copyrights). Stephan N. Kinsella argues that
ownership only relates to tangible assets.[78]
Contractual society

The society envisioned by anarcho-capitalists has been labelled by
them as a "contractual society" which Rothbard described as "a society
based purely on voluntary action, entirely unhampered by violence or
threats of violence"[60]: 84  The system relies on contracts between
individuals as the legal framework which would be enforced by private
police and security forces as well as private

Rothbard argues that limited liability for corporations could also
exist through contract, arguing that "[c]orporations are not at all
monopolistic privileges; they are free associations of individuals
pooling their capital. On the purely free market, those men would
simply announce to their creditors that their liability is limited to
the capital specifically invested in the corporation".[43]: 1144
However, corporations created in this way would not be able to
replicate the limit on liabilities arising non-contractually such as
liability in tort for environmental disasters or personal injury which
corporations currently enjoy. Rothbard acknowledges that "limited
liability for torts is the illegitimate conferring of a special
privilege".[43]: 1144

There are limits to the right to contract under some interpretations
of anarcho-capitalism. Rothbard believes that the right to contract is
based in inalienable rights[52] and because of this any contract that
implicitly violates those rights can be voided at will, preventing a
person from permanently selling himself or herself into unindentured
slavery. However, Rothbard justifies the practice of child
selling.[82][83] Other interpretations conclude that banning such
contracts would in itself be an unacceptably invasive interference in
the right to contract.[84]

Included in the right of contract is "the right to contract oneself
out for employment by others". While anarchists criticize wage labour
describing it as wage slavery, anarcho-capitalists view it as a
consensual contract.[85][citation needed] Some anarcho-capitalists
prefer to see self-employment prevail over wage labor. David D.
Friedman has expressed a preference for a society where "almost
everyone is self-employed" and "instead of corporations there are
large groups of entrepreneurs related by trade, not authority. Each
sells not his time, but what his time produces".[85]
Law and order and the use of violence

Different anarcho-capitalists propose different forms of
anarcho-capitalism and one area of disagreement is in the area of law.
In The Market for Liberty, Morris and Linda Tannehill object to any
statutory law whatsoever. They argue that all one has to do is ask if
one is aggressing against another in order to decide if an act is
right or wrong.[86] However, while also supporting a "natural
prohibition"[clarification needed] on force and fraud, Rothbard
supports the establishment of a mutually agreed-upon centralized
libertarian legal code which private courts would pledge to follow, as
he presumes a high degree of convergence amongst individuals about
what constitutes natural justice.[87]

Unlike both the Tannehills and Rothbard who see an ideological
commonality of ethics and morality as a requirement, David D. Friedman
proposes that "the systems of law will be produced for profit on the
open market, just as books and bras are produced today. There could be
competition among different brands of law, just as there is
competition among different brands of cars".[88] Friedman says whether
this would lead to a libertarian society "remains to be proven". He
says it is a possibility that very un-libertarian laws may result,
such as laws against drugs, but he thinks this would be rare. He
reasons that "if the value of a law to its supporters is less than its
cost to its victims, that law ... will not survive in an
anarcho-capitalist society".[89]

Anarcho-capitalists only accept the collective defense of individual
liberty (i.e. courts, military, or police forces) insofar as such
groups are formed and paid for on an explicitly voluntary basis.
However, their complaint is not just that the state's defensive
services are funded by taxation, but that the state assumes it is the
only legitimate practitioner of physical force—that is, they believe
it forcibly prevents the private sector from providing comprehensive
security, such as a police, judicial and prison systems to protect
individuals from aggressors. Anarcho-capitalists believe that there is
nothing morally superior about the state which would grant it, but not
private individuals, a right to use physical force to restrain
aggressors. If competition in security provision were allowed to
exist, prices would also be lower and services would be better
according to anarcho-capitalists. According to Molinari: "Under a
regime of liberty, the natural organization of the security industry
would not be different from that of other industries".[90] Proponents
believe that private systems of justice and defense already exist,
naturally forming where the market is allowed to "compensate for the
failure of the state",[citation needed] namely private arbitration,
security guards, neighborhood watch groups and so on.[91][92][93][94]
These private courts and police are sometimes referred to generically
as private defense agencies (PDAs). The defense of those unable to pay
for such protection might be financed by charitable organizations
relying on voluntary donation rather than by state institutions
relying on taxation, or by cooperative self-help by groups of
individuals.[19]: 223  Edward Stringham argues that private
adjudication of disputes could enable the market to internalize
externalities and provide services that customers desire.[95][96]
The death of general Joseph Warren at the Battle of Bunker Hill during
the American Revolutionary War, a war which anarcho-capitalists such
as Murray Rothbard admired and believed it was the only American war
that could be justified[citation needed]

In the context of revolution, Rothbard stated that the American
Revolutionary War was the only war involving the United States that
could be justified.[97] Some anarcho-capitalists such as Rothbard feel
that violent revolution is counter-productive and prefer voluntary
forms of economic secession to the extent possible.[98] Retributive
justice is often a component of the contracts imagined for an
anarcho-capitalist society. According to Matthew O'Keefee, some
anarcho-capitalists believe prisons or indentured servitude would be
justifiable institutions to deal with those who violate
anarcho-capitalist property relations while others believe exile or
forced restitution are sufficient.[99]

Bruce L. Benson argues that legal codes may impose punitive damages
for intentional torts in the interest of deterring crime. Benson gives
the example of a thief who breaks into a house by picking a lock. Even
if caught before taking anything, Benson argues that the thief would
still owe the victim for violating the sanctity of his property
rights. Benson opines that despite the lack of objectively measurable
losses in such cases, "standardized rules that are generally perceived
to be fair by members of the community would, in all likelihood, be
established through precedent, allowing judgments to specify payments
that are reasonably appropriate for most criminal offenses".[100]

Morris and Linda Tannehill raise a similar example, saying that a bank
robber who had an attack of conscience and returned the money would
still owe reparations for endangering the employees' and customers'
lives and safety, in addition to the costs of the defense agency
answering the teller's call for help. However, they believe that the
robber's loss of reputation would be even more damaging. They suggest
that specialized companies would list aggressors so that anyone
wishing to do business with a man could first check his record,
provided they trust the veracity of the companies' records. They
further theorise that the bank robber would find insurance companies
listing him as a very poor risk and other firms would be reluctant to
enter into contracts with him.[101]
Free-market in children
4 Children for Sale, Chicago (1948).
Main article: Child selling

Anarcho-capitalism as proposed by Murray Rothbard advocates the
ownership of children and their sale. According to Rothbard: "the
purely free society will have a flourishing free market in children.
Superficially, this sounds monstrous and inhuman. But closer thought
will reveal the superior humanism of such a market."[102] Walter Block
also supports the sale of children, stating that adoptive parents not
being able to pay biological parents "is responsible for the trauma
and heartbreak which attend adoption in the United States today".[103]

Murray Rothbard has listed different ideologies of which his
interpretations, he said, have influenced anarcho-capitalism.[14][15]
This includes his interpretation of anarchism, and more precisely
individualist anarchism; classical liberalism and the Austrian School
of economic thought. Scholars additionally associate
anarcho-capitalism with neo-classical liberalism, radical
neoliberalism and right-libertarianism.[26][30][104]
Main article: Anarchism and capitalism

In both its social and individualist forms, anarchism is usually
considered an anti-capitalist[105][106] and radical left-wing or
far-left[107][108][109] movement that promotes libertarian socialist
economic theories such as collectivism, communism, individualism,
mutualism and syndicalism.[110] Because anarchism is usually described
alongside libertarian Marxism as the libertarian wing of the socialist
movement and as having a historical association with anti-capitalism
and socialism, anarchists believe that capitalism is incompatible with
social and economic equality and therefore do not recognize
anarcho-capitalism as an anarchist school of thought.[26][104][30] In
particular, anarchists argue that capitalist transactions are not
voluntary and that maintaining the class structure of a capitalist
society requires coercion which is incompatible with an anarchist
society.[111][112] The usage of libertarian is also in dispute.[113]
While both anarchists and anarcho-capitalists have used it,
libertarian was synonymous with anarchist until the mid-20th century,
when anarcho-capitalist theory developed.[104][114]

Anarcho-capitalists are distinguished from the dominant anarchist
tradition by their relation to property and capital. While both
anarchism and anarcho-capitalism share general antipathy towards power
by government authority, the latter exempts power wielded through
free-market capitalism. Anarchists, including egoists such as Max
Stirner, have supported the protection of an individual's freedom from
powers of both government and private property owners.[115] In
contrast, while condemning governmental encroachment on personal
liberties, anarcho-capitalists support freedoms based on private
property rights. Anarcho-capitalist theorist Murray Rothbard argued
that protesters should rent a street for protest from its owners. The
abolition of public amenities is a common theme in some
anarcho-capitalist writings.[116]

As anarcho-capitalism puts laissez-faire economics before economic
equality, it is commonly viewed as incompatible with the
anti-capitalist and egalitarian tradition of anarchism. Although
anarcho-capitalist theory implies the abolition of the state in favour
of a fully laissez-faire economy,[117] it lies outside the tradition
of anarchism.[119] While using the language of anarchism,[120]
anarcho-capitalism only shares anarchism's antipathy towards the
state[117] and not anarchism's antipathy towards hierarchy as
theorists expect from anarcho-capitalist economic power
relations.[120] It follows a different paradigm from anarchism and has
a fundamentally different approach and goals.[120] In spite of the
anarcho- in its title,[120] anarcho-capitalism is more closely
affiliated with capitalism and right-libertarianism than with
anarchism.[121] Some within this laissez-faire tradition reject the
designation of anarcho-capitalism, believing that capitalism may
either refer to the laissez-faire market they support or the
government-regulated system that they oppose.[122]

Rothbard claimed that anarcho-capitalism is the only true form of
anarchism—the only form of anarchism that could possibly exist in
reality as he maintained that any other form presupposes authoritarian
enforcement of political ideology such as "redistribution of private
property" which he attributed to anarchism.[123] According to this
argument, the capitalist free market is "the natural situation" that
would result from people being free from state authority and entails
the establishment of all voluntary associations in society such as
cooperatives, non-profit organizations, businesses and so on.
Moreover, anarcho-capitalists, as well as classical liberal
minarchists, argue that the application of anarchist ideals as
advocated by what they term "left-wing anarchists" would require an
authoritarian body of some sort to impose it. Based on their
understanding and interpretation of anarchism, in order to forcefully
prevent people from accumulating capital, which they believe is a goal
of anarchists, there would necessarily be a redistributive
organization of some sort which would have the authority to in essence
exact a tax and re-allocate the resulting resources to a larger group
of people. They conclude that this theoretical body would inherently
have political power and would be nothing short of a state. The
difference between such an arrangement and an anarcho-capitalist
system is what anarcho-capitalists see as the voluntary nature of
organization within anarcho-capitalism contrasted with a "centralized
ideology" and a "paired enforcement mechanism" which they believe
would be necessary under what they describe as a "coercively"
egalitarian-anarchist system.[111]

Traditional anarchists reject the notion of capitalism, hierarchies
and private property.[124][125][31] Albert Meltzer argued that
anarcho-capitalism simply cannot be anarchism because capitalism and
the state are inextricably interlinked and because capitalism exhibits
domineering hierarchical structures such as that between an employer
and an employee.[126] Anna Morgenstern approaches this topic from the
opposite perspective, arguing that anarcho-capitalists are not really
capitalists because "mass concentration of capital is impossible"
without the state.[127] According to Jeremy Jennings, "[i]t is hard
not to conclude that these ideas", referring to anarcho-capitalism,
argued to have "roots deep in classical liberalism" more so than in
anarchism, "are described as anarchist only on the basis of a
misunderstanding of what anarchism is". For Jennings, "anarchism does
not stand for the untrammelled freedom of the individual (as the
'anarcho-capitalists' appear to believe) but, as we have already seen,
for the extension of individuality and community".[128] Similarly,
Barbara Goodwin, Emeritus Professor of Politics at the University of
East Anglia, Norwich, argues that anarcho-capitalism's "true place is
in the group of right-wing libertarians", not in anarchism.[129]
Nonetheless, some right-libertarian scholars like Michael Huemer, who
identify with the ideology, describe anarcho-capitalism as a "variety
of anarchism".[130] British author Andrew Heywood also believes that
"individualist anarchism overlaps with libertarianism and is usually
linked to a strong belief in the market as a self-regulating
mechanism, most obviously manifest in the form of
anarcho-capitalism".[131] Frank H. Brooks, author of The Individualist
Anarchists: An Anthology of Liberty (1881–1908), believes that
"anarchism has always included a significant strain of radical
individualism, from the hyperrationalism of Godwin, to the egoism of
Stirner, to the libertarians and anarcho-capitalists of today".[109]

While both anarchism and anarcho-capitalism are in opposition to the
state, it is a necessary but not sufficient condition because
anarchists and anarcho-capitalists interpret state-rejection
differently.[132][133][134][135] Austrian school economist David
Prychitko, in the context of anarcho-capitalism says that "while
society without a state is necessary for full-fledged anarchy, it is
nevertheless insufficient".[135] According to Ruth Kinna,
anarcho-capitalists are anti-statists who draw more on right-wing
liberal theory and the Austrian School than anarchist traditions.
Kinna writes that "[i]n order to highlight the clear distinction
between the two positions", anarchists describe anarcho-capitalists as
"propertarians".[38] Anarcho-capitalism is usually seen as part of the
New Right.[29][34]
Classical liberalism
Main article: Classical liberalism

Historian and libertarian Ralph Raico argued that what liberal
philosophers "had come up with was a form of individualist anarchism,
or, as it would be called today, anarcho-capitalism or market
anarchism".[136] He also said that Gustave de Molinari was proposing a
doctrine of the private production of security, a position which was
later taken up by Murray Rothbard.[136] Some anarcho-capitalists
consider Molinari to be the first proponent of
anarcho-capitalism.[137] In the preface to the 1977 English
translation by Murray Rothbard called The Production of Security the
"first presentation anywhere in human history of what is now called
anarcho-capitalism", although admitting that "Molinari did not use the
terminology, and probably would have balked at the name".[138]
Hans-Hermann Hoppe said that "the 1849 article 'The Production of
Security' is probably the single most important contribution to the
modern theory of anarcho-capitalism".[139] According to Hans-Hermann
Hoppe, one of the 19th century precursors of anarcho-capitalism were
philosopher Herbert Spencer, classical liberal Auberon Herbert and
liberal socialist Franz Oppenheimer.[12]

Ruth Kinna writes that anarcho-capitalism is a term coined by Murray
Rothbard to describe "a commitment to unregulated private property and
laissez-faire economics, prioritizing the liberty-rights of
individuals, unfettered by government regulation, to accumulate,
consume and determine the patterns of their lives as they see fit".
According to Kinna, anarcho-capitalists "will sometimes label
themselves market anarchists because they recognize the negative
connotations of 'capitalism'. But the literature of anarcho-capitalism
draws on classical liberal theory, particularly the Austrian School –
Friedrich von Hayek and Ludwig von Mises – rather than recognizable
anarchist traditions. Ayn Rand's laissez-faire, anti-government,
corporate philosophy – Objectivism – is sometimes associated with
anarcho-capitalism".[38] Other scholars similarly associate
anarcho-capitalism with anti-state classical liberalism, neo-classical
liberalism, radical neoliberalism and

Paul Dragos Aligica writes that there is a "foundational difference
between the classical liberal and the anarcho-capitalist positions".
Classical liberalism, while accepting critical arguments against
collectivism, acknowledges a certain level of public ownership and
collective governance as necessary to provide practical solutions to
political problems. In contrast anarcho-capitalism, according to
Aligica, denies any requirement for any form of public administration,
and allows no meaningful role for the public sphere, which is seen as
sub-optimal and illegitimate.[141]
Individualist anarchism
Main article: Individualist anarchism
Lysander Spooner, an American individualist anarchist and mutualist,
who is claimed to have influenced anarcho-capitalism

Murray Rothbard, a student of Ludwig von Mises, stated that he was
influenced by the work of the 19th-century American individualist
anarchists.[142] In the winter of 1949, Rothbard decided to reject
minimal state laissez-faire and embrace his interpretation of
individualist anarchism.[143] In 1965, Rothbard wrote that "Lysander
Spooner and Benjamin R. Tucker were unsurpassed as political
philosophers and nothing is more needed today than a revival and
development of the largely forgotten legacy they left to political
philosophy".[144] However, Rothbard thought that they had a faulty
understanding of economics as the 19th-century individualist
anarchists had a labor theory of value as influenced by the classical
economists and was a student of Austrian School economics which does
not agree with the labor theory of value.[14] Rothbard sought to meld
19th-century American individualist anarchists' advocacy of economic
individualism and free markets with the principles of Austrian School
economics, arguing that "[t]here is, in the body of thought known as
'Austrian economics', a scientific explanation of the workings of the
free market (and of the consequences of government intervention in
that market) which individualist anarchists could easily incorporate
into their political and social Weltanschauung".[145] Rothbard held
that the economic consequences of the political system they advocate
would not result in an economy with people being paid in proportion to
labor amounts, nor would profit and interest disappear as they
expected. Tucker thought that unregulated banking and money issuance
would cause increases in the money supply so that interest rates would
drop to zero or near to it.[144] Peter Marshall states that
"anarcho-capitalism overlooks the egalitarian implications of
traditional individualist anarchists like Spooner and Tucker".[26]
Stephanie Silberstein states that "While Spooner was no free-market
capitalist, nor an anarcho-capitalist, he was not as opposed to
capitalism as most socialists were."[146]

In "The Spooner-Tucker Doctrine: An Economist's View", Rothbard
explained his disagreements. Rothbard disagreed with Tucker that it
would cause the money supply to increase because he believed that the
money supply in a free market would be self-regulating. If it were
not, then Rothbard argued inflation would occur so it is not
necessarily desirable to increase the money supply in the first place.
Rothbard claimed that Tucker was wrong to think that interest would
disappear regardless because he believed people, in general, do not
wish to lend their money to others without compensation, so there is
no reason why this would change just because banking was
unregulated.[144] Tucker held a labor theory of value and thought that
in a free market people would be paid in proportion to how much labor
they exerted and that exploitation or usury was taking place if they
were not. As Tucker explained in State Socialism and Anarchism, his
theory was that unregulated banking would cause more money to be
available and that this would allow the proliferation of new
businesses which would, in turn, raise demand for labor.[147] This led
Tucker to believe that the labor theory of value would be vindicated
and equal amounts of labor would receive equal pay. As an Austrian
School economist, Rothbard did not agree with the labor theory and
believed that prices of goods and services are proportional to
marginal utility rather than to labor amounts in the free market. As
opposed to Tucker he did not think that there was anything
exploitative about people receiving an income according to how much
"buyers of their services value their labor" or what that labor
Benjamin Tucker, another individualist anarchist, who identified as a
socialist and his individualist anarchism as anarchistic socialism
versus state socialism, said to have influenced anarcho-capitalism

Without the labor theory of value,[47] some argue that 19th-century
individualist anarchists approximate the modern movement of
anarcho-capitalism,[14][15][16] although this has been contested[28]
or rejected.[148][149][150] As economic theory changed, the popularity
of the labor theory of classical economics was superseded by the
subjective theory of value of neoclassical economics and Rothbard
combined Mises' Austrian School of economics with the absolutist views
of human rights and rejection of the state he had absorbed from
studying the individualist American anarchists of the 19th century
such as Tucker and Spooner.[151] In the mid-1950s, Rothbard wrote an
unpublished article named "Are Libertarians 'Anarchists'?" under the
pseudonym "Aubrey Herbert", concerned with differentiating himself
from communist and socialistic economic views of anarchists, including
the individualist anarchists of the 19th century, concluding that "we
are not anarchists and that those who call us anarchists are not on
firm etymological ground and are being completely unhistorical. On the
other hand, it is clear that we are not archists either: we do not
believe in establishing a tyrannical central authority that will
coerce the noninvasive as well as the invasive. Perhaps, then, we
could call ourselves by a new name: nonarchist."[152] Joe Peacott, an
American individualist anarchist in the mutualist tradition,
criticizes anarcho-capitalists for trying to hegemonize the
individualist anarchism label and make appear as if all individualist
anarchists are in favor of capitalism.[149] Peacott states that
"individualists, both past and present, agree with the communist
anarchists that present-day capitalism is based on economic coercion,
not on voluntary contract. Rent and interest are the mainstays of
modern capitalism and are protected and enforced by the state. Without
these two unjust institutions, capitalism could not exist".[153]

Anarchist activists and scholars do not consider anarcho-capitalism as
a part of the anarchist movement because anarchism has historically
been an anti-capitalist movement and see it as incompatible with
capitalist forms.[156] Although some regard anarcho-capitalism as a
form of individualist anarchism,[14][15][16] many others disagree or
contest the existence of an individualist–socialist divide because
individualist anarchism is largely libertarian socialist.[28][157] In
coming to terms that anarchists mostly identified with socialism,
Rothbard wrote that individualist anarchism is different from
anarcho-capitalism and other capitalist theories due to the
individualist anarchists retaining the labor theory of value and
socialist doctrines.[152] Similarly, many writers deny that
anarcho-capitalism is a form of anarchism or that capitalism is
compatible with anarchism.[158]

The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism writes that "[a]s Benjamin Franks
rightly points out, individualisms that defend or reinforce
hierarchical forms such as the economic-power relations of
anarcho-capitalism are incompatible with practices of social anarchism
based on developing immanent goods which contest such as
inequalities". Laurence Davis cautiosly asks "[I]s anarcho-capitalism
really a form of anarchism or instead a wholly different ideological
paradigm whose adherents have attempted to expropriate the language of
anarchism for their own anti-anarchist ends?" Davis cites Iain McKay,
"whom Franks cites as an authority to support his contention that
'academic analysis has followed activist currents in rejecting the
view that anarcho-capitalism has anything to do with social
anarchism'", as arguing "quite emphatically on the very pages cited by
Franks that anarcho-capitalism is by no means a type of anarchism".
McKay writes that "[i]t is important to stress that anarchist
opposition to the so-called capitalist 'anarchists' does not reflect
some kind of debate within anarchism, as many of these types like to
pretend, but a debate between anarchism and its old enemy capitalism.
... Equally, given that anarchists and 'anarcho'-capitalists have
fundamentally different analyses and goals it is hardly 'sectarian' to
point this out".[120]

Davis writes that "Franks asserts without supporting evidence that
most major forms of individualist anarchism have been largely
anarcho-capitalist in content, and concludes from this premise that
most forms of individualism are incompatible with anarchism". Davis
argues that "the conclusion is unsustainable because the premise is
false, depending as it does for any validity it might have on the
further assumption that anarcho-capitalism is indeed a form of
anarchism. If we reject this view, then we must also reject the
individual anarchist versus the communal anarchist 'chasm' style of
argument that follows from it".[120] Davis maintains that "the
ideological core of anarchism is the belief that society can and
should be organised without hierarchy and domination. Historically,
anarchists have struggles against a wide range of regimes of
domination, from capitalism, the state system, patriarchy,
heterosexism, and the domination of nature to colonialism, the war
system, slavery, fascism, white supremacy, and certain forms of
organised religion". According to Davis, "[w]hile these visions range
from the predominantly individualistic to the predominantly
communitarian, features common to virtually all include an emphasis on
self-management and self-regulatory methods of organisation, voluntary
association, decentralised society, based on the principle of free
association, in which people will manage and govern themselves".[120]
Finally, Davis includes a footnote stating that "[i]ndividualist
anarchism may plausibly be re regarded as a form of both socialism and
anarchism. Whether the individualist anarchists were consistent
anarchists (and socialists) is another question entirely. ... McKay
comments as follows: 'any individualist anarchism which supports wage
labour is inconsistent anarchism. It can easily be made consistent
anarchism by applying its own principles consistenly [sic?]. In
contrast 'anarcho'-capitalism rejects so many of the basic,
underlying, principles of anarchism ... that it cannot be made
consistent with the ideals of anarchism'".[120]
Historical precedents

Several anarcho-capitalists and right-libertarians have discussed
historical precedents of what they believe were examples of
Free cities of medieval Europe

Economist and libertarian scholar Bryan Caplan considers the free
cities of medieval Europe as examples of "anarchist" or "nearly
anarchistic" societies,[20] further arguing:

    One case that has inspired both sorts of anarchists is that of the
free cities of medieval Europe. The first weak link in the chain of
feudalism, these free cities became Europe's centers of economic
development, trade, art, and culture. They provided a haven for
runaway serfs, who could often legally gain their freedom if they
avoided re-capture for a year and a day. And they offer many examples
of how people can form mutual-aid associations for protection,
insurance, and community. Of course, left-anarchists and
anarcho-capitalists take a somewhat different perspective on the free
cities: the former emphasize the communitarian and egalitarian
concerns of the free cities, while the latter point to the relatively
unregulated nature of their markets and the wide range of services
(often including defense, security, and legal services) which were
provided privately or semi-privately.[20]

Medieval Iceland
19th-century interpretation of the Althing in the Icelandic
Commonwealth which authors such as David D. Friedman believe to have
some features of anarcho-capitalist society

According to the libertarian theorist David D. Friedman, "[m]edieval
Icelandic institutions have several peculiar and interesting
characteristics; they might almost have been invented by a mad
economist to test the lengths to which market systems could supplant
government in its most fundamental functions".[21] While not directly
labeling it anarcho-capitalist, Friedman argues that the legal system
of the Icelandic Commonwealth comes close to being a real-world
anarcho-capitalist legal system.[160] Although noting that there was a
single legal system, Friedman argues that enforcement of the law was
entirely private and highly capitalist, providing some evidence of how
such a society would function. Friedman further wrote that "[e]ven
where the Icelandic legal system recognized an essentially 'public'
offense, it dealt with it by giving some individual (in some cases
chosen by lot from those affected) the right to pursue the case and
collect the resulting fine, thus fitting it into an essentially
private system".[21]
American Old West

According to Terry L. Anderson and P. J. Hill, the Old West in the
United States in the period of 1830 to 1900 was similar to
anarcho-capitalism in that "private agencies provided the necessary
basis for an orderly society in which property was protected and
conflicts were resolved" and that the common popular perception that
the Old West was chaotic with little respect for property rights is
incorrect.[161] Since squatters had no claim to western lands under
federal law, extra-legal organizations formed to fill the void. Benson

    The land clubs and claim associations each adopted their own
written contract setting out the laws that provided the means for
defining and protecting property rights in the land. They established
procedures for registration of land claims, as well as for the
protection of those claims against outsiders, and for adjudication of
internal disputes that arose. The reciprocal arrangements for
protection would be maintained only if a member complied with the
association's rules and its court's rulings. Anyone who refused would
be ostracized. A boycott by a land club meant that an individual had
no protection against aggression other than what he could provide

According to Anderson, "[d]efining anarcho-capitalist to mean minimal
government with property rights developed from the bottom up, the
western frontier was anarcho-capitalistic. People on the frontier
invented institutions that fit the resource constraints they
Gaelic Ireland

In his work For a New Liberty, Murray Rothbard has claimed ancient
Gaelic Ireland as an example of nearly anarcho-capitalist society.[19]
In his depiction, citing the work of Professor Joseph Peden,[164] the
basic political unit of ancient Ireland was the tuath, which is
portrayed as "a body of persons voluntarily united for socially
beneficial purposes" with its territorial claim being limited to "the
sum total of the landed properties of its members".[19] Civil disputes
were settled by private arbiters called "brehons" and the compensation
to be paid to the wronged party was insured through voluntary surety
relationships. Commenting on the "kings" of tuaths,[19] Rothbard

    The king was elected by the tuath from within a royal kin group
(the derbfine), which carried the hereditary priestly function.
Politically, however, the king had strictly limited functions: he was
the military leader of the tuath, and he presided over the tuath
assemblies. But he could only conduct war or peace negotiations as an
agent of the assemblies, and he was in no sense sovereign and had no
rights of administering justice over tuath members. He could not
legislate, and when he himself was party to a lawsuit, he had to
submit his case to an independent judicial arbiter.[19]

Law merchant, admiralty law, and early common law

Some libertarians have cited law merchant, admiralty law and early
common law as examples of anarcho-capitalism.[165][166][failed

In his work Power and Market,[43] Rothbard stated:

    The law merchant, admiralty law, and much of the common law began
to be developed by privately competitive judges, who were sought out
by litigants for their expertise in understanding the legal areas
involved. The fairs of Champagne and the great marts of international
trade in the Middle Ages enjoyed freely competitive courts, and people
could patronize those that they deemed most accurate and
efficient.[43]: 1051

Somalia from 1991 to 2006
Main article: History of Somalia (1991–2006)

Economist Alex Tabarrok argued that Somalia in its stateless period
provided a "unique test of the theory of anarchy", in some aspects
near of that espoused by anarcho-capitalists David D. Friedman and
Murray Rothbard.[23] Nonetheless, both anarchists and some
anarcho-capitalists argue that Somalia was not an anarchist
State, justice and defense

Anarchists such as Brian Morris argue that anarcho-capitalism does not
in fact get rid of the state. He says that anarcho-capitalists "simply
replaced the state with private security firms, and can hardly be
described as anarchists as the term is normally understood".[170] In
"Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy", anarchist Peter Sabatini notes:

    Within Libertarianism, Rothbard represents a minority perspective
that actually argues for the total elimination of the state. However,
Rothbard's claim as an anarchist is quickly voided when it is shown
that he only wants an end to the public state. In its place he allows
countless private states, with each person supplying their own police
force, army, and law, or else purchasing these services from
capitalist vendors. ... Rothbard sees nothing at all wrong with the
amassing of wealth, therefore those with more capital will inevitably
have greater coercive force at their disposal, just as they do

Similarly, Bob Black argues that an anarcho-capitalist wants to
"abolish the state to his own satisfaction by calling it something
else". He states that they do not denounce what the state does, they
just "object to who's doing it".[172]

Paul Birch argues that legal disputes involving several jurisdictions
and different legal systems will be too complex and costly. He
therefore argues that anarcho-capitalism is inherently unstable, and
would evolve, entirely through the operation of free market forces,
into either a single dominant private court with a natural monopoly of
justice over the territory (a de facto state), a society of multiple
city states, each with a territorial monopoly, or a 'pure anarchy'
that would rapidly descend into chaos.[173]

Randall G. Holcombe argues that anarcho-capitalism turns justice into
a commodity as private defense and court firms would favour those who
pay more for their services.[174] He argues that defense agencies
could form cartels and oppress people without fear of
competition.[174] Philosopher Albert Meltzer argued that since
anarcho-capitalism promotes the idea of private armies, it actually
supports a "limited State". He contends that it "is only possible to
conceive of Anarchism which is free, communistic and offering no
economic necessity for repression of countering it".[175]

Robert Nozick argues that a competitive legal system would evolve
toward a monopoly government—even without violating individuals'
rights in the process.[176] In Anarchy, State, and Utopia, Nozick
argues that an anarcho-capitalist society would inevitably transform
into a minarchist state through the eventual emergence of a
monopolistic private defense and judicial agency that no longer faces
competition. He argues that anarcho-capitalism results in an unstable
system that would not endure in the real world. While
anarcho-capitalists such as Roy Childs and Murray Rothbard have
rejected Nozick's arguments,[177] with Rothbard arguing that the
process described by Nozick, with the dominant protection agency
outlawing its competitors, in fact violates its own clients'
rights,[178] John Jefferson actually advocates Nozick's argument and
states that such events would best operate in laissez-faire.[179]
Robert Ellickson presented a Hayekian case against anarcho-capitalism,
calling it a "pipe-dream" and stating that anarcho-capitalists "by
imagining a stable system of competing private associations, ignore
both the inevitability of territorial monopolists in governance, and
the importance of institutions to constrain those monopolists'
Rights and freedom

Negative and positive rights are rights that oblige either action
(positive rights) or inaction (negative rights). Anarcho-capitalists
believe that negative rights should be recognized as legitimate, but
positive rights should be rejected as an intrusion. Some critics
reject the distinction between positive and negative rights.[181]
Peter Marshall also states that the anarcho-capitalist definition of
freedom is entirely negative and that it cannot guarantee the positive
freedom of individual autonomy and independence.[26]

About anarcho-capitalism, anarcho-syndicalist and anti-capitalist
intellectual Noam Chomsky says:

    Anarcho-capitalism, in my opinion, is a doctrinal system that, if
ever implemented, would lead to forms of tyranny and oppression that
have few counterparts in human history. There isn't the slightest
possibility that its (in my view, horrendous) ideas would be
implemented because they would quickly destroy any society that made
this colossal error. The idea of "free contract" between the potentate
and his starving subject is a sick joke, perhaps worth some moments in
an academic seminar exploring the consequences of (in my view, absurd)
ideas, but nowhere else.[182]

Economics and property

Social anarchists argue that anarcho-capitalism allows individuals to
accumulate significant power through free markets and private

Anarchists argue that certain capitalist transactions are not
voluntary and that maintaining the class structure of a capitalist
society requires coercion which violates anarchist
principles.[183][184][185][186] Anthropologist David Graeber noted his
skepticism about anarcho-capitalism along the same lines, arguing:

    To be honest, I'm pretty skeptical about the idea of
anarcho-capitalism. If a-caps imagine a world divided into
property-holding employers and property-less wage laborers, but with
no systematic coercive mechanisms[;] well, I just can't see how it
would work. You always see a-caps saying "if I want to hire someone to
pick my tomatoes, how are you going to stop me without using
coercion?" Notice how you never see anyone say "if I want to hire
myself out to pick someone else's tomatoes, how are you going to stop
me?" Historically nobody ever did wage labor like that if they had
pretty much [any] other option.[187]

Some critics argue that the anarcho-capitalist concept of voluntary
choice ignores constraints due to both human and non-human factors
such as the need for food and shelter as well as active restriction of
both used and unused resources by those enforcing property
claims.[188] If a person requires employment in order to feed and
house himself, the employer-employee relationship could be considered
involuntary. Another criticism is that employment is involuntary
because the economic system that makes it necessary for some
individuals to serve others is supported by the enforcement of
coercive private property relations.[188] Some philosophies view any
ownership claims on land and natural resources as immoral and
illegitimate.[189] Objectivist philosopher Harry Binswanger criticizes
anarcho-capitalism by arguing that "capitalism requires government",
questioning who or what would enforce treaties and contracts.[190]

Some right-libertarian critics of anarcho-capitalism who support the
full privatization of capital such as geolibertarians argue that land
and the raw materials of nature remain a distinct factor of production
and cannot be justly converted to private property because they are
not products of human labor. Some socialists, including market
anarchists and mutualists, adamantly oppose absentee ownership.
Anarcho-capitalists have strong abandonment criteria, namely that one
maintains ownership until one agrees to trade or gift it. Anti-state
critics of this view posit comparatively weak abandonment criteria,
arguing that one loses ownership when one stops personally occupying
and using it as well as the idea of perpetually binding original
appropriation is anathema to traditional schools of anarchism.[173]

The following is a partial list of notable nonfiction works discussing

    Bruce L. Benson, The Enterprise of Law: Justice Without The State
        To Serve and Protect: Privatization and Community in Criminal Justice
    David D. Friedman, The Machinery of Freedom
    Edward P. Stringham, Anarchy and the Law: The Political Economy of Choice
    George H. Smith, "Justice Entrepreneurship in a Free Market"
    Gerard Casey, Libertarian Anarchy: Against the State
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe, Anarcho-Capitalism: An Annotated Bibliography
        A Theory of Socialism and Capitalism
        Democracy: The God That Failed
        The Economics and Ethics of Private Property
    Linda and Morris Tannehill, The Market for Liberty
    Michael Huemer, The Problem of Political Authority
    Murray Rothbard, founder of anarcho-capitalism:
        For a New Liberty
        Man, Economy, and State
        Power and Market
        The Ethics of Liberty

See also

    Anarcho-capitalism and minarchism
    Consequentialist libertarianism
    Creative disruption
    Dark Enlightenment
    Definition of anarchism and libertarianism
    Issues in anarchism
    Left-wing market anarchism
    Natural-rights libertarianism
    Privatization in criminal justice
    Stateless society
    The Libertarian Forum


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into the anarchist camp since they do not share a concern for economic
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aid. Anarcho-capitalists, even if they do reject the state, might
therefore best be called right-wing libertarians rather than
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defend or reinforce hierarchical forms such as the economic-power
relations of anarcho-capitalism [...] are incompatible with practices
of social anarchism. [...] Increasingly, academic analysis has
followed activist currents in rejecting the view that
anarcho-capitalism has anything to do with social anarchism" (pp.
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nothing to do with Anarchism as known by the Anarchist movement
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    Vincent, Andrew (2009). Modern Political Ideologies (3rd ed.).
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include under the rubric of the New Right remains puzzling. It is
usually seen as an amalgam of traditional liberal conservatism,
Austrian liberal economic theory (Ludwing von Mises and Hayek),
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and Freedom through Nonviolent Action, Volume 7, No. 4, 1 March 1971,
    Rothbard, Murray N., A Future of Peace and Capitalism; Murray N.
Rothbard, Left and Right: The Prospects for Liberty.
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    Murray Rothbard (2000). "Egalitarianism as A Revolt Against Nature
And Other Essays: and other essays". Ludwig von Mises Institute, 2000.
p. 207.
    Avrich, Paul (1996). Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of
Anarchism in America (abridged paperback ed.). Princeton: Princeton
University Press. p. 282. ISBN 9780691044941. "Although there are many
honorable exceptions who still embrace the 'socialist' label, most
people who call themselves individualist anarchists today are
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the labor theory of value."
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"Preface". Archived 15 April 2011 at the Wayback Machine Charleston:
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with the state". Nauka (4). ISSN 1231-8515. "The last problem is
especially vexing, since anarcho-capitalists seem to be caught up in a
contradiction here. On one hand, they are proponents of a specific
moral theory (based on non-aggression principle), on the other hand,
they do not allow for any central, monopolistic agency to impose that
moral theory on society."
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prominent and resolute defenders of the Anarchocapitalism, that is,
the full and complete privatisation of all goods and services."
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proposal, unfortunately, goes something like this: sell it to a giant
corporation on terms that are most advantageous to the corporation.
Rothbard proposed, instead, was to treat state property as unowned,
and allow it to be homesteaded by those actually occupying it and
mixing their labor with it. This would mean transforming government
utilities, schools, and other services into consumer cooperatives and
placing them under the direct control of their present clientele. It
would mean handing over state industry to workers' syndicates and
transforming it into worker-owned cooperatives". Retrieved 10 January
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Liberty". Left and Right: A Journal of Libertarian Thought. 1 (1):
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Specifics?". The Libertarian Forum. I (VI): 2. published in Rothbard,
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(PDF). Vol. 1: 1969–1975. Ludwig von Mises Institute. p. 26. ISBN
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    Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1840). What is Property?
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on 16 December 2008. Retrieved 28 December 2008.
    Weick, David. Anarchist Justice. pp. 223–24
    Sabatini, Peter. Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy.
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    Stacy, Don (2011). "Review of Kosanke's Instead of Politics – Don
Stacy". Libertarian Papers. 3 (3).
    Sandra Jeppesen; Anna Kruzynski; Rachel Sarrasin (2014). "The
anarchist commons" (PDF). Ephemera.
    Holcombe, Randall G. (Spring 2005). "Common Property in
Anarcho-Capitalism" (PDF). Journal of Libertarian Studies. 19 (2):
3–29. Retrieved 15 June 2020.
    Avrich, Paul. Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in
America, Abridged Paperback Edition (1996), p. 282.
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    Zaheer Kazmi (2012). Polite Anarchy in International Relations
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light of latter-day anarcho-capitalism, Tucker had also advocated the
privatisation of the policing and security functions of the state to
protect people and property and accepted the use of violence as means
of enforcing contracts."
    Nathan W. Schlueter; Nikolai G. Wenzel (2018). Selfish
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    Murray Rothbard (4 May 2007). "Children and Rights". Mises Institute.
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    Nozick, Robert (1974). Anarchy, State, and Utopia. New York: Basic
Books.[pages needed]
    Friedman, David (1973). The Machinery of Freedom: Guide to a
Radical Capitalism. Harper & Row. pp. 144–145. ISBN 978-0-06-091010-5.
    Brown, Susan Love, The Free Market as Salvation from Government:
The Anarcho-Capitalist View, Meanings of the Market: The Free Market
in Western Culture, edited by James G. Carrier, Berg/Oxford, 1997, p.
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Political Philosophy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 684.
    Friedman, David. The Machinery of Freedom. Second edition. La
Salle, Ill, Open Court, pp. 116–17.
    Friedman, David (1973). The Machinery of Freedom: Guide to a
Radical Capitalism. Harper & Row. pp. 127–128. ISBN 978-0-06-091010-5.
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    Stringham, Edward; Zywicki, Todd (5 November 2005). "Rivalry and
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    Benson, Bruce (1998). To Serve and Protect: Privatization and
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"'Libertarian' and 'libertarianism' are frequently employed by
anarchists as synonyms for 'anarchist' and 'anarchism', largely as an
attempt to distance themselves from the negative connotations of
'anarchy' and its derivatives. The situation has been vastly
complicated in recent decades with the rise of anarcho-capitalism,
'minimal statism' and an extreme right-wing laissez-faire philosophy
advocated by such theorists as Rothbard and Nozick and their adoption
of the words 'libertarian' and 'libertarianism'. It has therefore now
become necessary to distinguish between their right libertarianism and
the left libertarianism of the anarchist tradition."
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Class Struggle: A Brief History and Commentary". WorkingUSA. 12 (3):
507–508. doi:10.1111/j.1743-4580.2009.00251.x. ISSN 1089-7011.
"[Anarchists oppose] all centralized and hierarchical forms of
government (e.g., monarchy, representative democracy, state socialism,
etc.), economic class systems (e.g., capitalism, Bolshevism,
feudalism, slavery, etc.), autocratic religions (e.g., fundamentalist
Islam, Roman Catholicism, etc.), patriarchy, heterosexism, white
supremacy, and imperialism."
    Williams, Dana M. (2018). "Contemporary Anarchist and Anarchistic
Movements". Sociology Compass. Wiley. 12 (6): 4.
doi:10.1111/soc4.12582. ISSN 1751-9020.
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The Spread of World Capitalism Resurrects a Long-Dormant Movement".
The New York Times (5 August).
    Moynihan, Colin. "Book Fair Unites Anarchists. In Spirit, Anyway".
The New York Times (16 April).
    Brooks, Frank H. (1994). The Individualist Anarchists: An
Anthology of Liberty (1881–1908). Transaction Publishers. p. xi. ISBN
1-56000-132-1. "Usually considered to be an extreme left-wing
ideology, anarchism has always included a significant strain of
radical individualism, from the hyperrationalism of Godwin, to the
egoism of Stirner, to the libertarians and anarcho-capitalists of
    Guerin, Daniel (1970). Anarchism: From Theory to Practice. Monthly
Review Press. pp. 12, 35. ISBN 9780853451280.
    Tame, Chris R. (October 1983). The Chicago School: Lessons from
the Thirties for the Eighties. Economic Affairs. p. 56.
    McKay, Iain (2008). An Anarchist FAQ. 1. "What are the myths of
capitalist economics?" "Is 'anarcho'-capitalism a type of anarchism?"
Oakland/Edinburgh: AK Press. ISBN 978-1902593906.
    Marshall, Peter (1992). Demanding the Impossible: A History of
Anarchism. London: HarperCollins. p. 641. ISBN 978-0-00-217855-6. "For
a long time, libertarian was interchangeable in France with anarchist
but in recent years, its meaning has become more ambivalent."
    Cohn, Jesse (20 April 2009). "Anarchism". In Ness, Immanuel (ed.).
The International Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest. Oxford: John
Wiley & Sons. pp. 1–11 (6). doi:10.1002/9781405198073.wbierp0039. ISBN
978-1-4051-9807-3. "[...] 'libertarianism' [...] a term that, until
the mid-twentieth century, was synonymous with 'anarchism' per se"
    Francis, Mark (December 1983). "Human Rights and Libertarians".
Australian Journal of Politics & History. 29 (3): 462.
doi:10.1111/j.1467-8497.1983.tb00212.x. ISSN 0004-9522.
    Francis, Mark (December 1983). "Human Rights and Libertarians".
Australian Journal of Politics & History. 29 (3): 462–463.
doi:10.1111/j.1467-8497.1983.tb00212.x. ISSN 0004-9522.
    Gay, Kathlyn; Gay, Martin (1999). Encyclopedia of Political
Anarchy. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-0-87436-982-3.
    Morriss, Andrew (2008). "Anarcho-capitalism". In Hamowy, Ronald
(ed.). The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. SAGE; Cato Institute. pp.
13–14. doi:10.4135/9781412965811.n8. ISBN 978-1-4129-6580-4. OCLC
191924853. "Social anarchists, those anarchists with communitarian
leanings, are critical of anarcho-capitalism because it permits
individuals to accumulate substantial power through markets and
private property."
    Davis, Laurence (2019). "Individual and Community". In Levy, Carl;
Adams, Matthew S. (eds.). The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism. Cham:
Springer. pp. 47–70. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2_3. ISBN
    Long, Roderick T.; Machan, Tibor R., eds. (2008).
Anarchism/Minarchism: Is a Government Part of a Free Country?.
Ashgate. pp. vii. ISBN 978-0-7546-6066-8.
    Rothbard, Murray (25 February 1972). "Exclusive Interview With
Murray Rothbard". The New Banner: A Fortnightly Libertarian Journal.
Retrieved 13 September 2020.
    Funnell, Warwick (2007). "Accounting and the Virtues of Anarchy".
Australasian Accounting, Business and Finance Journal. 1 (1) 18–27.
    Williams, Dana (2012). "From Top to Bottom, a Thoroughly
Stratified World: An Anarchist View of Inequality and Domination".
Race, Gender & Class. 19 (3/4): 9–34. JSTOR 43497486.
    Casey, Gerard (2018). Freedom's Progress?. Andrews UK Limited. p.
670. ISBN 978-1-84540-942-5.
    Jun, Nathan J. (2017). Brill's Companion to Anarchism and
philosophy. Brill. p. 293. ISBN 978-9004356887.
    Jennings, Jeremy (1999). "Anarchism". In Eatwell, Roger; Wright,
Anthony (eds.). Contemporary Political Ideologies (reprinted, 2nd
ed.). London: A & C Black. p. 147. ISBN 978-0-8264-5173-6.
    Goodwin, Barbara (2007). Using Political Ideas. Hoboken: John
Wiley & Sons. p. 143. ISBN 978-0-470-02552-9.
    Michael Huemer (2020). "The Right Anarchy". The Routledge Handbook
of Anarchy and Anarchist Thought. Routledge. pp. 342–359.
doi:10.4324/9781315185255-24. ISBN 978-1-315-18525-5. S2CID 228838944.
"(From abstract): There are two main varieties of anarchism: the
socialist variety (aka "social anarchism" or "anarcho-socialism") and
the capitalist variety ("anarcho-capitalism")"
    "Political Ideologies: An introduction, fifth edition (Chapter
summaries)". Macmillan International.
    McLaughlin, Paul (2007). Anarchism and Authority: A Philosophical
Introduction to Classical Anarchism. Ashgate. pp. 28–166. ISBN
9780754661962. "Anarchists do reject the state, as we will see. But to
claim that this central aspect of anarchism is definitive is to sell
anarchism short. [...] [Opposition to the state] is (contrary to what
many scholars believe) not definitive of anarchism."
    Jun, Nathan (September 2009). "Anarchist Philosophy and Working
Class Struggle: A Brief History and Commentary". WorkingUSA. 12 (3):
505–519. doi:10.1111/j.1743-4580.2009.00251.x. ISSN 1089-7011. "One
common misconception, which has been rehearsed repeatedly by the few
Anglo-American philosophers who have bothered to broach the topic
[...] is that anarchism can be defined solely in terms of opposition
to states and governments" (p. 507).
    Franks, Benjamin (August 2013). Freeden, Michael; Stears, Marc
(eds.). "Anarchism". The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies.
Oxford University Press: 385–404.
doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199585977.013.0001. "[M]any, questionably,
regard anti-statism as the irremovable, universal principle at the
core of anarchism. [...] The fact that [anarchists and
anarcho-capitalists] share a core concept of 'anti-statism', which is
often advanced as [...] a commonality between them [...], is
insufficient to produce a shared identity [...] because [they
interpret] the concept of state-rejection [...] differently despite
the initial similarity in nomenclature" (pp. 386–388).
    David L. Prychytko (2002). "Chapter 10: Expanding the Anarchist
Range: A Critical Reappraisal of Rothbard's Contribution to the
Contemporary Theory of Anarchism". Markets, Planning, and Democracy.
Edward Elgar Publishing, Incorporated. p. 124. ISBN 978-1-84376-738-1.
"While society without a state is necessary for full-fledged anarchy,
it is nevertheless insufficient."
    Raico, Ralph (2004). Authentic German Liberalism of the 19th
century. Ecole Polytechnique, Centre de Recherce en Epistemologie
Appliquee. Unité associée au CNRS. Archived 10 June 2009 at the
Wayback Machine. Retrieved 10 June 2009.
    Raico, Ralph (29 March 2011) "Neither the Wars Nor the Leaders
Were Great". Mises Institute.
    Molinari, Gustave; Ebeling, Richard M., ed. (1977). The Production
of Security. "Preface". Translated by McCulloch, J. Huston. Occasional
Papers Series (2). New York: The Center for Libertarian Studies.
    Hoppe, Hans-Hermann (31 December 2001). "Anarcho-Capitalism: An
Annotated Bibliography".
    Carlson, Jennifer D. (2012). "Libertarianism". In Miller, Wilburn
R., ed. The Social History of Crime and Punishment in America. London:
Sage Publications. pp. 1006–1007. ISBN 9781412988766.
    Aligica, Paul Dragos (2017). "Public Administration and the
Classical Liberal Perspective: Criticism, Clarifications, and
Reconstruction". Administration & Society. 49 (4): 530–551.
doi:10.1177/0095399715581044. ISSN 0095-3997. S2CID 144893289.
    De Leon, David (1978). The American as Anarchist: Reflections on
Indigenous Radicalism. Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 127. "[...]
Only a few individuals like Murray Rothbard, in Power and Market, and
some article writers were influenced by these men. Most had not
evolved consciously from this tradition; they had been a rather
automatic product of the American environment."
    Gordon, David (2007). The Essential Rothbard. Mises Institute. pp. 12–13.
    Rothbard, Murray (2000) [1965]. "The Spooner-Tucker Doctrine: An
Economist's View". Journal of Libertarian Studies. 20 (1): 5–15.
    Rothbard, Murray (2000) [1965]. "The Spooner-Tucker Doctrine: An
Economist's View". Journal of Libertarian Studies. 20 (1): 7.
    Silberstein, Stephanie. "Was Spooner Really an
Anarcho-Socialist?". Anarchy Archives. Retrieved 29 June 2022.
    Tucker, Benjamin (1911). State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far
They Agree & Wherein They Differ (6th ed.). London: A. C. Fifield.
    Wieck, David (1978). "Anarchist Justice". In Chapman, John W.;
Pennock, J. Roland Pennock, eds. Anarchism: Nomos XIX. New York: New
York University Press. pp. 227–228. "Out of the history of anarchist
thought and action Rothbard has pulled forth a single thread, the
thread of individualism, and defines that individualism in a way alien
even to the spirit of a Max Stirner or a Benjamin Tucker, whose
heritage I presume he would claim – to say nothing of how alien is his
way to the spirit of Godwin, Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Malatesta,
and the historically anonymous persons who through their thoughts and
action have tried to give anarchism a living meaning. Out of this
thread, Rothbard manufactures one more bourgeois ideology." Retrieved
7 April 2020.
    Peacott, Joe (18 April 1985). "Reply to Wendy Mc Elroy". New
Libertarian (14, June 1985. Archived 7 February 2017 at the Wayback
Machine. Retrieved 4 September 2020. "In her article on individualist
anarchism in October 1984, New Libertarian, Wendy McElroy mistakenly
claims that modern-day individualist anarchism is identical with
anarchist capitalism. She ignores the fact that there are still
individualist anarchists who reject capitalism as well as communism,
in the tradition of Warren, Spooner, Tucker, and others. [...]
Benjamin Tucker, when he spoke of his ideal 'society of contract,' was
certainly not speaking of anything remotely resembling contemporary
capitalist society. [...] I do not quarrel with McElroy's definition
of herself as an individualist anarchist. However, I dislike the fact
that she tries to equate the term with anarchist capitalism. This is
simply not true. I am an individualist anarchist and I am opposed to
capitalist economic relations, voluntary or otherwise."
    Baker, J. W. "Native American Anarchism". The Raven. 10 (1):
43‒62. Retrieved 4 September 2020. "It is time that anarchists
recognise the valuable contributions of individualist anarchist theory
and take advantage of its ideas. It would be both futile and criminal
to leave it to the capitalist libertarians, whose claims on Tucker and
the others can be made only by ignoring the violent opposition they
had to capitalist exploitation and monopolistic 'free enterprise'
supported by the state."
    Miller, David, ed. (1987). The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of
Political Thought. Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell. p. 290. ISBN
    Rothbard, Murray (1950s). "Are Libertarians 'Anarchists'?" Lew Retrieved 4 September 2020.
    Peacott, Joe (18 April 1985). "Reply to Wendy Mc Elroy". New
Libertarian (14, June 1985). Archived 7 February 2017 at the Wayback
Machine. Retrieved 4 September 2020. "In her overview of anarchist
history, McElroy criticizes the individualists of the past for their
belief in the labor theory of value, because it fails to distinguish
between profit and plunder. Some anarchist individualists still
believe that profit is theft and that living off the labor of others
is immoral. And some individualists, both past and present, agree with
the communist anarchists that present-day capitalism is based on
economic coercion, not on voluntary contract. Rent and interest are
the mainstays of modern capitalism and are protected and enforced by
the state. Without these two unjust institutions, capitalism could not
exist. These two institutions, and the money monopoly of the state,
effectively prevent most people from being economically independent
and force them into wage labor. Saying that coercion does not exist
i[n] capitalist economic relations because workers aren't forced to
work by armed capitalists ignores the very real economic coercion
caused by this alliance of capitalism and the state. People don't
voluntarily work for wages or pay rent, except in the sense that most
people 'voluntarily' pay taxes[.] Because one recognizes when she or
he is up against superior force and chooses to compromise in order to
survive, does not make these activities voluntary; at least, not in
the way I envision voluntary relations in an anarchist society."
    Sabatini, Peter (Fall/Winter 1994–1995). "Libertarianism: Bogus
Anarchy". Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed (41). Retrieved 4
September 2020. "Within [capitalist] Libertarianism, Rothbard
represents a minority perspective that actually argues for the total
elimination of the state. However, Rothbard's claim as an anarchist is
quickly voided when it is shown that he only wants an end to the
public state. In its place, he allows countless private states, with
each person supplying their own police force, army, and law, or else
purchasing these services from capitalist vendors [...] so what
remains is shrill anti-statism conjoined to a vacuous freedom in
hackneyed defense of capitalism. In sum, the "anarchy" of
Libertarianism reduces to a liberal fraud."
    Meltzer, Albert (2000). Anarchism: Arguments For and Against.
Oakland: AK Press. p. 50. "The philosophy of 'anarcho-capitalism'
dreamed up by the 'libertarian' New Right, has nothing to do with
Anarchism as known by the Anarchist movement proper."
    McKay, Iain, ed. (2012). An Anarchist FAQ. Vol. II. Stirling: AK
Press. ISBN 978-1-84935-122-5.
    Friedman, David D (28 February 2015). "Private Law Enforcement,
Medieval Iceland, and Libertarianism". The Machinery of Freedom (3rd
ed.). pp. 203–204. ISBN 978-1507785607.
    Anderson, Terry L. and Hill, P. J. "An American Experiment in
Anarcho-Capitalism: The Not So Wild, Wild West", The Journal of
Libertarian Studies
    Benson, Bruce L. (1998). "Private Justice in America". To Serve
and Protect: Privatization and Community in Criminal Justice. New
York: New York University Press. p. 101. ISBN 978-0-8147-1327-3.
    Probasco, Christian (18 June 2008). "Grilling Terry L. Anderson,
Free-Market Environmentalist". New West.
    Peden Stateless Societies: Ancient Ireland
    Rothbard. "Defense Services on the Free Market".
    Benson. "The Enterprise of Customary Law".
    Hasnas. "The Obviousness of Anarchy".
    Knight, Alex R., III (7 October 2009). "The Truth About Somalia
And Anarchy". Center for a Stateless Society. Retrieved 24 December
    Block, Walter (Fall 1999). "Review Essay" (PDF). The Quarterly
Journal of Austrian Economics. 2 (3). Retrieved 28 January 2010. "But
if we define anarchy as places without governments, and we define
governments as the agencies with a legal right to impose violence on
their subjects, then whatever else occurred in Haiti, Sudan, and
Somalia, it wasn't anarchy. For there were well-organized gangs (e.g.,
governments) in each of these places, demanding tribute, and fighting
others who made similar impositions. Absence of government means
absence of government, whether well established ones, or
    Brian Morris, "Global Anti-Capitalism", pp. 170–176, Anarchist
Studies, vol. 14, no. 2, p. 175.
    Peter Sabatini. "Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy".
    Bob Black (1992), "The Libertarian As Conservative", The Abolition
of Work and Other Essays, p. 144
    Birch, Paul (1998). "Anarcho-capitalism Dissolves into City
States" (PDF). Libertarian Alliance. Legal Notes. no. 28: 4. ISSN
0267-7083. Retrieved 5 July 2010.
    Holcombe, Randall G. "Government: Unnecessary but Inevitable" (PDF).
    Meltzer, Albert (2000). Anarchism: Arguments For and Against. AK
Press. p. 50. ISBN 978-1873176573.
    Jeffrey Paul, Fred Dycus Miller (1993). Liberalism and the
Economic Order. Cambridge University Press. p. 115.
    See Childs's incomplete essay, "Anarchist Illusions", Liberty
against Power: Essays by Roy A. Childs, Jr., ed. Joan Kennedy Taylor
(San Francisco: Fox 1994) 179–183.
    Rothbard, Murray (5 July 2017), "Robert Nozick and the Immaculate
Conception of the State", Anarchy And the Law, Routledge, pp. 232–249,
doi:10.4324/9781315082349-12, ISBN 978-1-315-08234-9, retrieved 2
March 2022
    Jeffrey Paul, Fred Dycus Miller (1993). Liberalism and the
Economic Order. Cambridge University Press. p. 118.
    Ellickson, Robert C. (26 January 2017). "A Hayekian Case Against
Anarcho-Capitalism: Of Street Grids, Lighthouses, and Aid to the
Destitute". Yale Law & Economics Research Paper No. 569. SSRN 2906383.
    Sterba, James P. (October 1994). "From Liberty to Welfare".
Ethics. Cambridge: Blackwell). 105 (1): 237–241.
    "On Anarchism: Noam Chomsky interviewed by Tom Lane". 23 December 2006. Retrieved 9 January 2016.
    Iain McKay; et al. (21 January 2010). "Section F – Are
'anarcho'-capitalists really anarchists?" (PDF). An Anarchist FAQ. Retrieved 21 August 2013.
    Andrew Fiala (3 October 2017). "Anarchism". Stanford Encyclopedia
of Philosophy.
    Anthony J. II Nocella; Richard J. White; Erika Cudworth (2015).
Anarchism and Animal Liberation: Essays on Complementary Elements of
Total Liberation. McFarland & Co. ISBN 978-0786494576. "Anarchism is a
socio-political theory which opposes all systems of domination and
oppression such as racism, ableism, sexism, anti-LGBTTQIA, ageism,
sizeism, government, competition, capitalism, colonialism, imperialism
and punitive justice, and promotes direct democracy, collaboration,
interdependence, mutual aid, diversity, peace, transformative justice
and equity."
    Paul McLaughlin (2007). Anarchism and Authority: A Philosophical
Introduction to Classical Anarchism. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 48.
ISBN 978-1138276147. "Thus, as David Miller puts it, capitalism is
regarded by anarchists as 'both coercive [though this word may be too
strong] [sic] and exploitative – it places workers in the power of
their bosses, and fails to give them a just return for their
contribution to production.'"
    "I am David Graeber, an anthropologist, activist, anarchist and
author of Debt. AMA". Reddit. 28 January 2013. Retrieved 21 August
    Friedman, David. "Market Failure: The Case for and Against
Government". Do We Need a Government?. Retrieved
14 July 2010.
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Century Libertarian Debate". Libertarian Heritage No. 14 ISBN
1-85637-281-2. Retrieved 24 June 2005.
    Harry Binswanger. "Sorry Libertarian Anarchists, Capitalism
Requires Government". Forbes. Archived from the original on 16 June
2020. Retrieved 16 June 2020.

Further reading

    Brown, Susan Love (1997). "The Free Market as Salvation from
Government: The Anarcho-Capitalist View". In Carrier, James G., ed.
Meanings of the Market: The Free Market in Western Culture
(illustrated ed.). Oxford: Berg Publishers. p. 99. ISBN 9781859731499.
    Doherty, Brian (2009). Radicals for Capitalism: A Freewheeling
History of the Modern American Libertarian Movement. London: Hachette
UK. ISBN 9780786731886.

External links
Anarcho-capitalism at Wikipedia's sister projects

    Definitions from Wiktionary
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    Anarcho-capitalist FAQ – website run by Lew Rockwell
    Mises Institute – research and educational center of classical
liberalism, including anarcho-capitalism, Austrian School of economics
and American libertarian political theory
    Property and Freedom Society – international anarcho-capitalist society
    Strike The Root – an anarcho-capitalist website featuring essays,
news, and a forum



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