FISA RISA
Matthew X
profrv at nex.net.au
Thu May 13 05:52:09 PDT 1999
The Limits of Trust
Friday, August 23, 2002; Page A26
SINCE THE SEPT. 11 attacks, the Bush administration has argued that law
enforcement and intelligence agencies can be trusted to wield broad new
powers -- both those additional powers voted into law last year and powers
still under consideration. Officials have in many instances brushed aside
suggestions that accountability and openness should accompany these new
authorities. And their "trust us" mantra has largely carried the day as
Congress has approved intrusive new powers for the executive branch. So it
is no wonder that the Justice Department did not hasten to produce to Sens.
Patrick Leahy, Charles Grassley and Arlen Specter a copy of an
extraordinary May 17 opinion by the seven judges of the Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Court. The work of this super-secret tribunal,
which considers government applications for search warrants and wiretaps in
intelligence matters, almost never sees the light of day -- in fact, this
is the first opinion the full court has published since its creation in
1978. But in this instance, the judges themselves, responding to a request
by the senators, took action to make sure that the senators and the public
saw their unprecedented, unclassified opinion. The opinion, which the three
senators released yesterday, paints a disquieting portrait of the FBI's
trustworthiness, or lack thereof, in some of the most sensitive matters it
handles.
The opinion was written in response to a Justice Department proposal to
change the rules governing the relationship between prosecutors chasing
criminals and intelligence operatives chasing information. In criminal
cases, prosecutors generally must show probable cause of criminal activity
before a judge will allow them to wiretap or search a suspect. The Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) authorizes such intrusive surveillance
for intelligence purposes with a less rigorous showing. While this material
can end up being used in a criminal case, the lower standard is
constitutional only because the statute's purpose -- and the purpose of the
surveillance -- is to gather foreign intelligence. So the FISA judges have
historically been careful to make sure that criminal prosecutors were not
directing surveillance under the law as a way of bypassing the strictures
of domestic criminal rules. In the USA Patriot Act, Congress substantially
lowered the wall between intelligence-gathering and crime-fighting; the
Justice Department argued to the court that the new law meant the judges
should ease up and stop insisting that prosecutors not take over
intelligence surveillance. The court said no. It cited a variety of legal
considerations, but underlying these was another factor: The judges report
that the FBI has not played straight with them over the role prosecutors
have been playing in the process in the past.
In September 2000, the judges recount, the government "came forward to
confess error in some 75 FISA applications related to major terrorist
attacks directed against the United States." These errors almost uniformly
"involved information sharing and unauthorized disseminations to criminal
investigators and prosecutors." They included an "erroneous statement" by
then-FBI Director Louis Freeh and misrepresentations in the FISA
applications of FBI agents concerning "the separation of overlapping
intelligence and criminal investigations." They also included "omissions of
material facts from FBI FISA affidavits relating to a prior relationship
between the FBI and a FISA target." Furthermore, the judges complain that
they have yet to receive any explanation of how they came to be misled,
despite the fact that internal investigations have been ongoing "for more
than one year."
Attorney General John Ashcroft is not blamed for these transgressions. Most
or all of the misstatements appear to have taken place during the prior
administration, and the court notes that the department and bureau wrote
new rules last year to ensure the accuracy of FISA applications. The
judges, moreover, appear to have no complaints about the quality of
applications since Sept. 11. But the fact that dozens of FBI
representations to a federal court handling issues of such sensitivity
could turn out to be false raises questions both about current proposals to
expand the government's FISA powers and about other situations in which the
government asks judges and the public to accept its actions and statements
on faith. If the FBI can botch 75 affidavits in the famously rigorous FISA
process, is it not possible that the military might have made an error,
say, in the spare two-page declaration it is using to justify the
indefinite detention of likely American citizen Yaser Esam Hamdi? And isn't
some measure of oversight -- such as the FISA judges and the senators are
providing in this instance -- a healthy antidote?
The government has no experience with losing before the FISA court, which
has never turned down a surveillance request. This opinion, in fact, has
produced the first appeal ever of a FISA court action -- and thus the first
case ever heard by a special FISA appeals court that has never previously
had to convene. Whatever happens in that uncharted territory, the FISA
court has raised critical questions that Congress needs to pursue before
granting further new powers to the government. Members need to satisfy
themselves that the problems the FISA judges have identified have truly
been corrected and that adequate safeguards of openness and accountability
are built into any enhanced surveillance powers.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A51447-2002Aug22.html
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