Ronald McDonald's SS

Eugen Leitl eugen at
Sun Jan 23 13:15:07 PST 2005

I'm sure in due time they'll just start calling it Strategic Support, period.

Secret Unit Expands Rumsfeld's Domain

Sun Jan 23, 1:14 AM ET

By Barton Gellman, Washington Post Staff Writer

The Pentagon (news - web sites), expanding into the CIA (news - web sites)'s
historic bailiwick, has created a new espionage arm and is reinterpreting
U.S. law to give Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld broad authority over
clandestine operations abroad, according to interviews with participants and
documents obtained by The Washington Post.

The previously undisclosed organization, called the Strategic Support Branch,
arose from Rumsfeld's written order to end his "near total dependence on CIA"
for what is known as human intelligence. Designed to operate without
detection and under the defense secretary's direct control, the Strategic
Support Branch deploys small teams of case officers, linguists, interrogators
and technical specialists alongside newly empowered special operations

Military and civilian participants said in interviews that the new unit has
been operating in secret for two years -- in Iraq (news - web sites),
Afghanistan (news - web sites) and other places they declined to name.
According to an early planning memorandum to Rumsfeld from Gen. Richard B.
Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the focus of the intelligence
initiative is on "emerging target countries such as Somalia, Yemen,
Indonesia, Philippines and Georgia." Myers and his staff declined to be

The Strategic Support Branch was created to provide Rumsfeld with independent
tools for the "full spectrum of humint operations," according to an internal
account of its origin and mission. Human intelligence operations, a term used
in counterpoint to technical means such as satellite photography, range from
interrogation of prisoners and scouting of targets in wartime to the
peacetime recruitment of foreign spies. A recent Pentagon memo states that
recruited agents may include "notorious figures" whose links to the U.S.
government would be embarrassing if disclosed.

Perhaps the most significant shift is the Defense Department's bid to conduct
surreptitious missions, in friendly and unfriendly states, when conventional
war is a distant or unlikely prospect -- activities that have traditionally
been the province of the CIA's Directorate of Operations. Senior Rumsfeld
advisers said those missions are central to what they called the department's
predominant role in combating terrorist threats.

The Pentagon has a vast bureaucracy devoted to gathering and analyzing
intelligence, often in concert with the CIA, and news reports over more than
a year have described Rumsfeld's drive for more and better human
intelligence. But the creation of the espionage branch, the scope of its
clandestine operations and the breadth of Rumsfeld's asserted legal authority
have not been detailed publicly before. Two longtime members of the House
Intelligence Committee, a Democrat and a Republican, said they knew no
details before being interviewed for this article.

Pentagon officials said they established the Strategic Support Branch using
"reprogrammed" funds, without explicit congressional authority or
appropriation. Defense intelligence missions, they said, are subject to less
stringent congressional oversight than comparable operations by the CIA.
Rumsfeld's dissatisfaction with the CIA's operations directorate, and his
determination to build what amounts in some respects to a rival service,
follows struggles with then-CIA Director George J. Tenet over intelligence
collection priorities in Afghanistan and Iraq. Pentagon officials said the
CIA naturally has interests that differ from those of military commanders,
but they also criticized its operations directorate as understaffed,
slow-moving and risk-averse. A recurring phrase in internal Pentagon
documents is the requirement for a human intelligence branch "directly
responsive to tasking from SecDef," or Rumsfeld.

The new unit's performance in the field -- and its latest commander, reserve
Army Col. George Waldroup -- are controversial among those involved in the
closely held program. Pentagon officials acknowledged that Waldroup and many
of those brought quickly into his service lack the experience and training
typical of intelligence officers and special operators. In his civilian
career as a federal manager, according to a Justice Department (news - web
sites) inspector general's report, Waldroup was at the center of a 1996 probe
into alleged deception of Congress concerning staffing problems at Miami
International Airport. Navy Vice Adm. Lowell E. Jacoby, director of the
Defense Intelligence Agency, expressed "utmost confidence in Colonel
Waldroup's capabilities" and said in an interview that Waldroup's unit has
scored "a whole series of successes" that he could not reveal in public. He
acknowledged the risks, however, of trying to expand human intelligence too
fast: "It's not something you quickly constitute as a capability. It's going
to take years to do."

Rumsfeld's ambitious plans rely principally on the Tampa-based U.S. Special
Operations Command, or SOCOM, and on its clandestine component, the Joint
Special Operations Command. Rumsfeld has designated SOCOM's leader, Army Gen.
Bryan D. Brown, as the military commander in chief in the war on terrorism.
He has also given Brown's subordinates new authority to pay foreign agents.
The Strategic Support Branch is intended to add missing capabilities -- such
as the skill to establish local spy networks and the technology for direct
access to national intelligence databases -- to the military's much larger
special operations squadrons. Some Pentagon officials refer to the combined
units as the "secret army of Northern Virginia."

Known as "special mission units," Brown's elite forces are not acknowledged
publicly. They include two squadrons of an Army unit popularly known as Delta
Force, another Army squadron -- formerly code-named Gray Fox -- that
specializes in close-in electronic surveillance, an Air Force human
intelligence unit and the Navy unit popularly known as SEAL Team Six.

The Defense Department is planning for further growth. Among the proposals
circulating are the establishment of a Pentagon-controlled espionage school,
largely duplicating the CIA's Field Tradecraft Course at Camp Perry, Va., and
of intelligence operations commands for every region overseas.

Rumsfeld's efforts, launched in October 2001, address two widely shared
goals. One is to give combat forces, such as those fighting the insurgency in
Iraq, more and better information about their immediate enemy. The other is
to find new tools to penetrate and destroy the shadowy organizations, such as
al Qaeda, that pose global threats to U.S. interests in conflicts with little
resemblance to conventional war.

In pursuit of those aims, Rumsfeld is laying claim to greater independence of
action as Congress seeks to subordinate the 15 U.S. intelligence departments
and agencies -- most under Rumsfeld's control -- to the newly created and
still unfilled position of national intelligence director. For months,
Rumsfeld opposed the intelligence reorganization bill that created the
position. He withdrew his objections late last year after House Republican
leaders inserted language that he interprets as preserving much of the
department's autonomy.

Lt. Gen. William G. Boykin, deputy undersecretary for intelligence,
acknowledged that Rumsfeld intends to direct some missions previously
undertaken by the CIA. He added that it is wrong to make "an assumption that
what the secretary is trying to say is, 'Get the CIA out of this business,
and we'll take it.' I don't interpret it that way at all."

"The secretary actually has more responsibility to collect intelligence for
the national foreign intelligence program . . . than does the CIA director,"
Boykin said. "That's why you hear all this information being published about
the secretary having 80 percent of the [intelligence] budget. Well, yeah, but
he has 80 percent of the responsibility for collection, as well."

CIA spokeswoman Anya Guilsher said the agency would grant no interviews for
this article.

Pentagon officials emphasized their intention to remain accountable to
Congress, but they also asserted that defense intelligence missions are
subject to fewer legal constraints than Rumsfeld's predecessors believed.
That assertion involves new interpretations of Title 10 of the U.S. Code,
which governs the armed services, and Title 50, which governs, among other
things, foreign intelligence.

Under Title 10, for example, the Defense Department must report to Congress
all "deployment orders," or formal instructions from the Joint Chiefs of
Staff to position U.S. forces for combat. But guidelines issued this month by
Undersecretary for Intelligence Stephen A. Cambone state that special
operations forces may "conduct clandestine HUMINT operations . . . before
publication" of a deployment order, rendering notification unnecessary.
Pentagon lawyers also define the "war on terror" as ongoing, indefinite and
global in scope. That analysis effectively discards the limitation of the
defense secretary's war powers to times and places of imminent combat.

Under Title 50, all departments of the executive branch are obliged to keep
Congress "fully and currently informed of all intelligence activities." The
law exempts "traditional . . . military activities" and their "routine
support." Advisers said Rumsfeld, after requesting a fresh legal review by
the Pentagon's general counsel, interprets "traditional" and "routine" more
expansively than his predecessors.

"Operations the CIA runs have one set of restrictions and oversight, and the
military has another," said a Republican member of Congress with a
substantial role in national security oversight, declining to speak publicly
against political allies. "It sounds like there's an angle here of, 'Let's
get around having any oversight by having the military do something that
normally the [CIA] does, and not tell anybody.' That immediately raises all
kinds of red flags for me. Why aren't they telling us?"

The enumeration by Myers of "emerging target countries" for clandestine
intelligence work illustrates the breadth of the Pentagon's new concept. All
those named, save Somalia, have allied themselves with the United States --
if unevenly -- against al Qaeda and its jihadist allies.

A high-ranking official with direct responsibility for the initiative,
declining to speak on the record about espionage in friendly nations, said
the Defense Department sometimes has to work undetected inside "a country
that we're not at war with, if you will, a country that maybe has ungoverned
spaces, or a country that is tacitly allowing some kind of threatening
activity to go on."

Assistant Secretary of Defense Thomas O'Connell, who oversees special
operations policy, said Rumsfeld has discarded the "hide-bound way of
thinking" and "risk-averse mentalities" of previous Pentagon officials under
every president since Gerald R. Ford.

"Many of the restrictions imposed on the Defense Department were imposed by
tradition, by legislation, and by interpretations of various leaders and
legal advisors," O'Connell said in a written reply to follow-up questions.
"The interpretations take on the force of law and may preclude activities
that are legal. In my view, many of the authorities inherent to [the Defense
Department] . . . were winnowed away over the years."

After reversing the restrictions, Boykin said, Rumsfeld's next question "was,
'Okay, do I have the capability?' And the answer was, 'No you don't have the
capability. . . . And then it became a matter of, 'I want to build a
capability to be able to do this.' "

Known by several names since its inception as Project Icon on April 25, 2002,
the Strategic Support Branch is an arm of the DIA's nine-year-old Defense
Human Intelligence Service, which until now has concentrated on managing
military attachis assigned openly to U.S. embassies around the world.

Rumsfeld's initiatives are not connected to previously reported negotiations
between the Defense Department and the CIA over control of paramilitary
operations, such as the capture of individuals or the destruction of

According to written guidelines made available to The Post, the Defense
Department has decided that it will coordinate its human intelligence
missions with the CIA but will not, as in the past, await consent. It also
reserves the right to bypass the agency's Langley headquarters, consulting
CIA officers in the field instead. The Pentagon will deem a mission
"coordinated" after giving 72 hours' notice to the CIA.

Four people with firsthand knowledge said defense personnel have already
begun operating under "non-official cover" overseas, using false names and
nationalities. Those missions, and others contemplated in the Pentagon, skirt
the line between clandestine and covert operations. Under U.S. law,
"clandestine" refers to actions that are meant to be undetected, and "covert"
refers to those for which the U.S. government denies its responsibility.
Covert action is subject to stricter legal requirements, including a written
"finding" of necessity by the president and prompt notification of senior
leaders of both parties in the House and Senate.

O'Connell, asked whether the Pentagon foresees greater involvement in covert
action, said "that remains to be determined." He added: "A better answer yet
might be, depends upon the situation. But no one I know of is raising their
hand and saying at DOD, 'We want control of covert operations.' "

One scenario in which Pentagon operatives might play a role, O'Connell said,
is this: "A hostile country close to our borders suddenly changes leadership.
. . . We would want to make sure the successor is not hostile."

Researcher Rob Thomason contributed to this report.

Eugen* Leitl <a href="">leitl</a>
ICBM: 48.07078, 11.61144  
8B29F6BE: 099D 78BA 2FD3 B014 B08A  7779 75B0 2443 8B29 F6BE

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