Freedom flees in terror from Sept. 11 disaster By Paul McMasters

[Matthew Gaylor]

<http://www.freedomforum.org/templates/document.asp?documentID=14924>

Freedom flees in terror from Sept. 11 disaster

Ombudsman

By Paul McMasters <pmcmasters at freedomforum.org>
First Amendment Ombudsman
First Amendment Center

09.19.01

Last Tuesday's terrors were so calamitous that they threaten to shake 
us loose from our constitutional mooring. A civil liberties 
catastrophe looms as citizens surrender to fear, fury and frustration 
and as lawmakers throw money and shards of the Bill of Rights at the 
specter of terrorism.

Some of our elected leaders predict a gloomy future for freedom.

"We're in a new world where we have to rebalance freedom and 
security," said House Democratic Minority Leader Richard A. Gephardt, 
D-Mo. "We're not going to have all the openness and freedom we have 
had."

Senate Minority Leader Trent Lott, R-Miss., repeated the warning: 
"When you're in this type of conflict, when you're at war, civil 
liberties are treated differently."

Even staunch First Amendment advocates, haunted by the suffering and 
devastation in New York City, near Washington, D.C., and the 
Pennsylvania countryside, are tempted to temporize in the face of 
insistent calls to suspend or re-examine our commitment to civil 
liberties.

The First Amendment fallout commenced within hours of the airplanes 
crashing into their targets. Tuesday afternoon, FBI agents fanned out 
to persuade Internet firms and service providers to hook up e-mail 
sniffing software to monitor private citizens' e-mail. While the 
desire to marshal all resources in such circumstances is 
understandable, there are serious consequences for private speech and 
public discourse when ordinary citizens fear that law enforcement 
officials with broad powers to investigate and detain are listening 
in.

Expressive activity was curtailed in a variety of places. A high 
school official reprimanded a student who distributed a flier asking 
her classmates to pray. Officials at the Baltimore Museum of Art took 
down a Christopher Wool painting containing the word "Terrorist" 
(later, they promised to provide "new interpretation" for the 
painting when it is reinstalled). New York police and members of the 
National Guard confiscated film from journalists and tourists.

If only that were the worst of it.

Government officials and policymakers immediately called for measures 
that would chill public discourse, disrupt reporting by the press, 
and interrupt the flow of information to the public. They want an 
expansion of law enforcement powers to spy on telephone and Internet 
traffic, to restrict the use of Internet encryption products that 
thwart online monitoring of private email, to slow down and divert 
funds from the declassification of secrets, and to force public 
libraries to reveal information about patrons' use of their computers.

In Congress, prospects brightened for several troubling measures, including:

*	The Cyber Security Information Act, which among other things 
would blow a gaping hole in the Freedom of Information Act.

*	Anti-leaks legislation, dubbed the "official secrets acts" by 
those who are deeply concerned about its impact on speech and the 
press and the flow of critical information to the public.

*	The Flag Desecration Act, which would for the first time in 
the history of our nation amend the First Amendment to prohibit 
burning the flag as a form of political dissent.


To compound the threat, there are disturbing examples of private or 
self-imposed restrictions on expression. Web pages shut down or 
removed content, a radio network circulated a list of songs that 
would be problematic to play, an employer confiscated American flags 
from the desks of workers, and a wire service withheld news footage 
after Palestinian threats against a photographer.

It would be foolish to dismiss such events - public or private - as 
mere nibbling at the edges of our rights. In fact, each nibble 
diminishes our commitment to freedom and the principles that 
distinguish our way of life from all others.

In such an atmosphere, voices of dissent grow silent, probing 
questions by the press are viewed as unpatriotic and subversive, and 
whistleblowers inside government with vital information are quieted. 
In such an atmosphere, propaganda, rumor and paranoia fester and 
infect. In such an atmosphere, citizens are denied their place as 
full partners in their own governance.

By suspending some of our most precious principles, the risk becomes 
not just terrorists whose hearts have grown rancid with hate but also 
a citizenry whose hearts are filled with fear.

There are things we can and should be doing rather than joining the 
stampede to ditch our rights. As columnist Thomas Friedman put it: 
"We have to fight the terrorists as if there were no rules and 
preserve our open society as if there were no terrorists."

First, we must remember that we've gone down this road too many times 
before. We have suspended freedom of speech, press and assembly 
during wartime and other crises, to the point of sending prominent 
Americans to jail for long terms for uttering unpatriotic words. And 
always we've looked back in wonderment that we could have been so 
stupid, that we could have so easily cast aside our democratic 
heritage.

We must demand of ourselves that a distinction is made - in public 
discourse as well as public policy - between what is merely 
inconvenient and what strikes at the heart of our most important 
freedoms.

We must demand of those proposing a degradation of our freedom that 
they provide an immediate and convincing argument that such an 
approach represents a real solution rather than a false hope.

Finally, before we begin to contemplate forfeiture of any of our 
essential liberties, we must thoroughly examine the lapses in public 
policy and operations that have become so cruelly evident in the wake 
of the disaster. Lapses in intelligence collection and analysis; in 
basic security measures at airports; in granting and monitoring of 
visas; in national, state and local emergency preparedness.

As much as we wish to be safe forever from the horrors of last week, 
we simply cannot protect freedom by forsaking freedom. As much as we 
want relief from this time of national duress, we simply cannot make 
ourselves more secure by making fundamental freedoms less secure.

The words of Samuel Adams, in a different time and context, present a 
challenge to our natural impulse to sacrifice freedom in the face of 
terrorism:

"Contemplate the mangled bodies of your countrymen, and then say, 
What should be the reward of such sacrifices? 
 If ye love wealth 
better than liberty, the tranquillity of servitude than the animating 
contest of freedom - go from us in peace. Crouch down and lick the 
hands which feed you. May your chains sit lightly upon you."

What an affront to the courage and heroism shown by those who gave 
their lives in rescue efforts or in forcing hijackers into a crash if 
we give in easily to fear or panic.

Fire from the skies and hatred from afar last Tuesday caused human 
carnage and suffering at an unthinkable level. They dealt terrifying 
blows to our financial institutions, our transportation and 
communications systems, our political and military nerve centers, and 
to a nation's sense of self and security.

Do we really want to add constitutional freedoms to that sorrowful 
list of casualties?

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