Despite an Act of Leniency, China Has Its Eye on the Web
<http://www.nytimes.com/2004/06/27/international/asia/27chin.html?th=&pagewanted=print&position=> The New York Times June 27, 2004 Despite an Act of Leniency, China Has Its Eye on the Web By HOWARD W. FRENCH HANGHAI, June 26 - A Chinese court recently announced that an Internet democracy advocate charged with subversion would get a suspended sentence instead of a long prison term, with the case drawing criticism from human rights groups and serving as a rallying cry for this country's growing number of online commentators. Both in China and abroad, some commentators quickly applauded what seemed like an official show of leniency toward the accused man, Du Daobin, a prolific author of online essays on issues of democracy and free speech. But many among China's rapidly growing group of Internet commentators are warning that what appears to be government magnanimity in this high-profile case conceals a quiet but concerted push to tighten controls of the Internet and surveillance of its users even though China's restrictions on the medium are already among the broadest and most invasive anywhere. Internet cafe users in China have long been subject to an extraordinary range of controls. They include cameras placed discreetly throughout the establishments to monitor and identify users and Web masters, and Internet cafe managers who keep an eye on user activity, whether electronically or by patrolling the premises. The average Internet user, meanwhile, neither sees nor, in many cases, suspects the activities of a force widely estimated to number as many as 30,000 Internet police officers. Experts on China's Internet say the officers are constantly engaged in a cat-and-mouse game with equally determined Web surfers, blocking access to sites that the government considers politically offensive, monitoring users who visit other politically sensitive sites and killing off discussion threads on Internet bulletin boards. The Chinese government has also established a Web site where people are able to report fellow Web users for suspicious or provocative behavior. Web surfers who try to visit sites being blocked by the government receive messages announcing a page is no longer accessible, or their computer screen may simply go blank, or they may be redirected to unrelated sites. Similarly, people who participate in Web-based discussions on certain subjects may be warned that in order to log on to a discussion group, real names must be used, along with genuine e-mail addresses and even telephone numbers. As its first line of defense against what in another era China's Communist leadership might have called ideological pollution, Beijing controls the Internet by insisting that all Web traffic pass through government-controlled servers. Now, coming on top of these measures, which are all deployed at the national level, China's provincial governments are getting into the act, introducing regulations of their own that critics say severely impinge on privacy and freedom of speech. In recent weeks, Shanghai, China's largest and most Internet-connected city, has quietly introduced a series of controls, arguably the country's most far-reaching yet, and critics fear, a model eventually to be used nationwide. Described by city officials as a measure intended to combat pornography and to bar entry for minors to Internet bars, the Shanghai regulations require customers to use swipe cards that would allow administrators or others to record their national identity numbers and track their Internet use. The regulations have kicked up little public debate, in part because they have received little publicity here during the planning stage. But fierce protests have appeared online, where many active Internet users are interpreting the new regulations as an extension of the police state. "We will hold press conferences during each step of the implementation, and the public can express their own opinions and the media could discuss and question it,'' said an official with the Shanghai Municipal Administration of Culture, Radio, Film and Television, who spoke on the condition of anonymity. "And we have made a priority of making sure that our actions are not against the law. That's our bottom line.'' Asked if the privacy of Internet users could be infringed, the official said that the Shanghai government had noted the issue, but added that "Internet bars are public areas, and some experts say that what one says in a public area should not be considered private.'' Speaking in an interview, one online commentator rejected out of hand the idea that invasive Internet controls had any legitimacy. "I can see that China's progress in the area of law is going very slowly,'' said Su Zhenghua, an economist who frequently posts his thoughts online. "This is a situation that I really must regret, and I hope the Chinese government will follow the spirit of the Constitution and protect freedom of speech and the individual's right to privacy.'' Some experts on China's Internet censorship say that in releasing Mr. Du recently, the government may have been making a subtle bow to China's own domestic public opinion, as expressed through online communication and debate. International analysts who follow China's Internet scene say that the government has been particularly taken aback by the explosion in a new form of online communication for China - the Weblog, or blog. It started last year with a celebrated case of a young woman who made a running online commentary about her own sex life, and now hundreds of thousands of people take enthusiastically to this form. Indeed, Mr. Du himself earned the government's wrath in this way when he wrote to condemn the jailing last year of another well-known Web commentator, Liu Di, whose online moniker was "stainless steel mouse.'' In turn, at least 1,000 people signed a petition in support of Mr. Du that urged the government to stop using antisubversion laws to hinder free speech. According to the analysts, the country's censors, always eager to contain waves of public opinion before they get out of hand, particularly in matters of politics, have become alarmed that despite their intense efforts, Internet technology is quickly making free expression far harder to control. "With the Du case, the government is saying, 'Look, our actions may be nicer than in the past, but fundamentally, the judgment of the crime is unchanged, so don't be fooled, we are also willing to be harsh,' '' said Xiao Qiang, director of the China Internet Project at the University of California at Berkeley. "No matter how hard they try, though, it is a fact that the volume of online information is increasing vastly, and there's nothing the government can do about that. You can monitor hundreds of bulletin boards, but controlling hundreds of thousands of bloggers is very different.'' -- ----------------- R. A. Hettinga <mailto: rah@ibuc.com> The Internet Bearer Underwriting Corporation <http://www.ibuc.com/> 44 Farquhar Street, Boston, MA 02131 USA "... however it may deserve respect for its usefulness and antiquity, [predicting the end of the world] has not been found agreeable to experience." -- Edward Gibbon, 'Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire'
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R. A. Hettinga