“Only one thing could have stopped us – if our adversaries had
     understood its principle and from the first day smashed with the
     utmost brutality the nucleus of our new movement.” – Adolf Hitler

     "The most effective prophylactic against any infection is to deny it
     its conditions of survival."

   "I take no personal gratification in watching physical assault take
   place. I recall the trauma of being punched at 14-years old in a racist
   incident. I was intimidated for years by even the most frivolous fights
   in high-school and even desisted from playing sports for a long time as
   a result. I know how intimidating violence can be.
   Which is why I believe in violence against fascists.

   The New York Times today reported that Richard Spencer won’t be going
   on speaking tours for a long time as a result of being assaulted. He’s
   even afraid to go out for dinner. Before we conclude that that’s
   indubitably a good thing, I’d like to turn to the topic of
   collaboration.
   We expect collaborators to appear in the form of the Devil himself. In
   other words, recognizable. But of course that’s far from the reality.
   The Biblical story of how Satan himself transmogrifies into the Devil
   is itself just as implausible. Collaboration, where it most matters, is
   passive. Collaboration is reduced to executing “normal” tasks in a
   programmatic manner. Nothing could be more “natural.” This was the
   insight of Hannah Arendt’s Eichmann in Jerusalem: modern evil is banal.
   It is the work of millions of men and women. As she argues in The
   Origins of Totalitarianism, genocide requires the participation of
   engineers, physicians, accountants, scientists, journalists, small
   business owners, corporate executives and civil servants. It is an
   archipelago of labor in the narrowest sense of the term: tedious and
   mundane.
   The most effective prophylactic against any infection is to deny it its
   conditions of survival. Today our infection is the prospect of
   collaboration.  Evil, according to Arendt, is committed by those who
   “never make up their minds to be good or evil,” but underlying that is
   careerism. Eichmann, the chief architect for the extermination of half
   of European Jewry, had “no motives at all” she argued, “except for an
   extraordinary diligence in looking out for his personal advancement.”
   And the problem, as Arendt pointed out, was that there were too many
   Eichmanns. There is no cure for collaboration. The only solution is to
   prevent the conditions in which passive collaborators have the excuse
   to say that they were only doing their jobs.
   There is a crucial lesson to be learned from how Mussolini and Hitler
   consolidated power. It wasn’t overnight. It took years. And in those
   years paramilitary groups roamed the streets ravaging any potential
   threat. The threat of chaos that they incubated was crucial to the
   conservative governments’ decisions to permit them into the halls of
   total power. Violence, as any good anthropologist would tell you, is
   steeped in symbolism. State and, when allowed, non-State violence
   intends to send a message “We Are The Only Game In Town.” And in their
   violence, they assert their convictions. Citizens, too busy and
   exhausted to think politically, are always ready to acquiesce that
   point faute de mieux: if someone is violent and angry, then their
   demands, even ideology, must be somewhat rooted valid grievances and
   ideas.
   The essence of fascism, as historians like Robert Paxton never fail to
   remind us, is not in ideas but in emotions. Robbing fascism of its
   virility and hyper masculine pretence is to rob it of its primary
   capacity to grow and survive. We have to confront the crucial question:
   are we more interested in upholding the slogan “Don’t Be Evil” or in
   making sure that no evil occurs? Is instilling fear in the hearts of
   fascists or fascist-curious individuals, even at the cost of isolated
   violence preferable to allowing fascists to consolidate power and
   therefore commit greater atrocities?
   In this particular instance, we must utilize fear to our advantage. The
   continuation of protests and the show of strength must not only
   intimidate fascists, but also send a clear message to the three most
   important institutions that fascists require for total power: big
   business, media and state institutions. They must be constantly fear
   any form of collaboration with Trump’s administration. They must fear
   how the nation’s history books will view them but to accomplish that we
   must compel them to think that future historians will not be fascists.
   The fascist future must be cancelled, today. We can take it from the
   tip of fascist reaction today: “The point is that we got a lot of
   attention, and that alone creates value.” (Trump, The Art of the Deal,
   p. 57)
   Take for instance a recent example in Egypt. Large large sections of
   civil servants and big business sabotaged Morsi’s presidency. Hoping
   against the grain that he would be overthrown by the military, they
   felt compelled enough to sacrifice their jobs and careers. But the
   background to this was fierce street violence against fundamentalist
   supporters of Morsi and weekly mass protests. They had mistakenly
   placed their faith in the military, but Americans can take comfort in
   the fact that a genuine opposition in Congress can represent them
   politically. Americans who will be torn about collaboration must
   likewise feel compelled to sacrifice their livelihoods and future; but
   only if the protest and civil disobedience continue unabated and if
   there exists a genuine political opposition in Congress.
   We must be ready to meet their intimidation with greater intimidation.
   What fascism does is to returns politics to its fundamentals. Those of
   us who are united in the right of women and LGBTQ folks to their
   bodies, those of us who believe in the right of life for Black, Native,
   colored and Muslim communities have to confront that our primary task
   in the coming months and years is to defend the most basic of political
   rights: life itself. Politics is back to the visceral for those of us
   who have long grown accustomed to middle-class bourgeois bubbles. We
   must consign bourgeois morality to the ash heap before it does us in."

   [1]https://pulsemedia.org/2017/01/22/in-defence-of-assaulting-fascists/

References

   1. https://pulsemedia.org/2017/01/22/in-defence-of-assaulting-fascists/